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“It's time for a Trade War” said President Dumb aka Cadet Bone Spurs


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Author Topic: “It's time for a Trade War” said President Dumb aka Cadet Bone Spurs  (Read 1772 times)
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« Reply #75 on: May 29, 2019, 03:12:59 pm »

another dead ball fantasy
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« Reply #76 on: May 29, 2019, 06:57:58 pm »


Only STUPID PEOPLE support Donald J. Trump. 

So ……………………………………………………………… are you STUPID? 

Or are you somebody who doesn't support America's clown emperor with no clothes and are therefore NOT STUPID
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« Reply #77 on: May 30, 2019, 04:01:44 pm »


from The Seattle Times…

Will China pay for the border wall?

Just as he thought Mexico would pay for a wall on our southern border,
President Donald Trump thinks China is forking over billions of dollars…


By DAVID HORSEY | 12:14PM PDT — Friday, May 24, 2019



BOTH BEFORE AND AFTER he was elected president, Donald Trump insisted that the wall he wants to build on the southern border would be paid for by Mexico. That was always a fiction. And now Trump claims that China is paying billions of dollars to the United States as a result of the steep hike in tariffs on Chinese imports that his administration has imposed. This is yet another bit of Trumpian hyperbole that has no connection to reality.

In truth, it is American consumers who are paying the higher prices for Chinese-made products. And it is American exporters who are getting slammed by China's reciprocal tariffs. Among those getting hit hardest are American farmers who ship their crops to Chinese markets. To give them a little relief, Trump has announced farmers and ranchers will be getting $16 billion in emergency financial aid. Is China paying for that? Of course not; American taxpayers are picking up the bill, just like they will pay for a wall should it ever get built.


__________________________________________________________________________

• See more of David Horsey's cartoons at The Seattle Times HERE.

https://www.seattletimes.com/opinion/will-china-pay-for-the-border-wall
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« Reply #78 on: June 01, 2019, 05:22:56 pm »


from The New York Times…

China Steps Up Trade War and Plans Blacklist of U.S. Firms

Without disclosing details, officials say they plan to retaliate against those who
blockade Chinese companies, in an apparent response to Huawei's problems.


By ALEXANDRA STEVENSON and PAUL MOZUR | Friday, May 31, 2019

A Huawei advertisement in Shanghai. The company was placed on an American blacklist two weeks ago. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.
A Huawei advertisement in Shanghai. The company was placed on an American blacklist two weeks ago. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.

BEIJING — The Chinese government said on Friday that it was putting together an “unreliable entities list” of foreign companies and people, an apparent first step toward retaliating against the United States for denying vital American technology to Chinese companies.

China's Ministry of Commerce said the list would contain foreign companies, individuals and organizations that “do not follow market rules, violate the spirit of contracts, blockade and stop supplying Chinese companies for non-commercial reasons, and seriously damage the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese companies.”

It did not give any details of which companies or entities it would include on the list, or what would happen to them. The ministry said that specific measures would be announced in the “near future.”

Still, the language echoes that of the United States government, which in recent months has placed Chinese companies on what it calls an “entity list” of firms that need special permission to buy American components and technology. Two weeks ago, the Trump administration placed Huawei, the Chinese maker of telecommunications gear, on the entity list, which could deny it access to microchips, software and other American-provided technology it needs to make and sell its products.

Shortly afterward, some American technology companies, including Google, said they would stop supplying Huawei. The American government has since granted Huawei a 90-day waiver, giving Chinese and American officials time to reach an agreement. The Trump administration is also said to be considering putting Hikvision, a Chinese video surveillance company, on the list.

If Friday's move is calculated to be a tit-for-tat strike back at American technology companies, Beijing will have ample targets.

Although major websites like Facebook, Twitter, and Google are already blocked in China, and rules strictly control other businesses like online payments and cloud services, most American technology firms have a big presence in China.

Both Google and Microsoft run sizable research and development operations in the country, and their Android and Windows operating systems are ubiquitous on Chinese smartphones and computers. Google and Facebook probably pull in billions of dollars in advertising revenue from Chinese companies.

The vague announcement also opens the door to retaliation of other kinds, perhaps against individuals or companies that depend heavily on the Chinese market for selling their products. If China decided to target individuals specifically, it could raise questions for foreigners doing business in China.

It could also give Beijing a way to punish American firms without forcing them to shut down operations in a way that would hurt China's economy or its long-term growth prospects.


Microsoft's research lab in Beijing is its largest outside the United States. — Photograph: Thomas Peter/Reuters.
Microsoft's research lab in Beijing is its largest outside the United States. — Photograph: Thomas Peter/Reuters.

Gao Feng, the Commerce Ministry's spokesman, said in the statement that the list would be aimed at those who block supplies and “take other discriminatory measures.”

An entity would be added to the list, he added, when its activity “not only damages the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese enterprises, and endangers China's national security and interests, but also threatens the global industrial chain and supply chain security.”

But China must be careful in how it retaliates, since many American companies are already reconsidering their dependence on the Chinese market and Chinese suppliers. If neither side backs off, the brinkmanship could permanently pull apart the supply chains that entwine the countries' economies.

Still, any move to shut down American technology companies' operations in China could hurt Chinese companies and the country's longer-term tech development. A shutdown of Microsoft's and Google's offices would mean that Chinese workers lose access to valuable training. Many of China's leading artificial intelligence entrepreneurs got their beginnings at Microsoft's A.I. lab.

Forcing American companies out of China's electronics supply chain could have a major impact on Chinese manufacturers. It would also most likely hasten strategies by American technology firms to diversify their supply chains away from China.

Yet if Beijing was willing to take that hit, many companies would struggle to immediately replicate production elsewhere. China's density of component makers and assembly factories is unmatched around the world.

“It's a really high-risk way to go about it,” said Andrew Polk, a founder of Trivium, a consulting firm in Beijing. “They are effectively forcing companies to choose, and companies will probably choose the U.S.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Alexandra Stevenson reported from Beijing, and Paul Mozur from Shanghai. Elsie Chen and Ailin Tang contributed research to this story.

Alexandra Stevenson is a business correspondent based in Hong Kong covering Chinese corporate giants, the changing landscape for multi-national companies and China's growing economic and financial influence in Asia. Before moving to Hong Kong, she covered the world of high finance and its darker corners, charting the influence of billionaire financiers in the markets and on the political stage for The New York Times in New York. She was a reporter for the Financial Times in New Delhi and London prior to joining The New York Times in 2013. Originally from Canada, she has also lived in Thailand, Singapore, and China, where she got her start as a reporter.

Paul Mozur is a technology reporter based in Shanghai. Along with writing about Asia's biggest tech companies, he covers cyber-security, emerging internet cultures, censorship and the intersection of geopolitics and technology in Asia. A Mandarin speaker, he was a reporter for The Wall Street Journal in China and Taiwan prior to joining The New York Times in 2014. He cut his teeth covering smuggling, wild boars and the courts for The Standard in Hong Kong, and got his start as an editorial assistant at The Far Eastern Economic Review.

• A version of this article appears in The New York Times on Saturday, June 1, 2019, on Page B4 of the New York print edition with the headline: “China, Stepping Up Trade War, Plans a Blacklist of U.S. Firms”.

__________________________________________________________________________

Related to this topic:

 • As China Takes Aim, Silicon Valley Braces for Pain

 • Things Were Going Great for Wall Street. Then the Trade War Heated Up.

 • Trade War Starts Changing Manufacturers in Hard-to-Reverse Ways

 • Huawei Revs Up Its U.S. Lawsuit, With the Media in Mind

 • The Trade War's Next Battle Could Be China's Access to Wall Street

 • Huawei Ban Threatens Wireless Service in Rural Areas

 • Huawei Is a Target as Trump Moves to Ban Foreign Telecom Gear


https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/31/business/china-list-us-huawei-retaliate.html
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« Reply #79 on: June 02, 2019, 05:35:50 am »

good job fuck china
they are a bunch of crooks they spy on and steal everyone's stuff and cannot be trusted

America needs to destroy China

« Last Edit: June 02, 2019, 05:42:21 am by Im2Sexy4MyPants » Report Spam   Logged

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« Reply #80 on: June 02, 2019, 12:00:15 pm »


Wait until China cuts off the supply of rare earth metals to America in retaliation.

China has over 90% of the world's supply of rare earth metals tied up and American industry consumes 77% of those rare earth metals.

Watch Trump screech & scream when China says “get fucked” and bans exports of rare earth metals to America because they are a security risk to China.

Then it will be hahaha and hehehe and ROFLMAO.
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« Reply #81 on: June 02, 2019, 12:01:21 pm »

America needs to destroy China


China doesn't need to destroy America because Donald J. Trump is doing it for them.

China is going to become the world's top dog anyway, but Trump is speeding that up.
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« Reply #82 on: June 02, 2019, 07:28:40 pm »

Trump is a chink in their armour he will fuck china
any idiot can go to China to use the cheap slave labour pay no tax and lose half of what they own to the Chinese government

fuck china nuke the chink cunts


« Last Edit: June 02, 2019, 07:36:11 pm by Im2Sexy4MyPants » Report Spam   Logged

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« Reply #83 on: June 02, 2019, 08:38:03 pm »



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« Reply #84 on: July 12, 2019, 06:48:34 pm »


from The Washington Post…

Trump team fears new face on China trade team signals tougher stance

The G-20 summit seemed to offer signs of progress on a U.S.-China trade deal. But those hopes are fading.

By ROBERT COSTA and DAVID J. LYNCH | 8:01PM EDT — Wednesday, July 10, 2019

Chinese Commerce Minister Zhong Shan, regarded by some White House officials as a hard-liner, greets a Bangladeshi delegate in Beijing on July 4. — Photograph: Pool/Reuters.
Chinese Commerce Minister Zhong Shan, regarded by some White House officials as a hard-liner, greets a Bangladeshi delegate in Beijing on July 4.
 — Photograph: Pool/Reuters.


THE Trump administration is increasingly concerned about prospects for a trade deal with China, amid an unexpected reshuffling of the Chinese negotiating team and a lack of progress on core issues since the Group of 20 summit in Japan, according to U.S. officials and senior Republicans briefed on the discussions.

Commerce Minister Zhong Shan, regarded by some White House officials as a hard-liner, has assumed new prominence in the talks, participating in a Tuesday tele-conference alongside Chinese Vice Premier Liu He, who has headed the Chinese trade team for more than a year.

Hopes for a deal also have been dented by China's failure to make large new purchases of U.S. farm products — despite President Trump's claim at the G-20 that Chinese President Xi Jinping had agreed to place such orders “almost immediately” — and the lack of any announced schedule for the next round of direct talks.

Zhong's sudden emergence comes two months after the U.S.-China trade negotiations collapsed with the Trump administration accusing Beijing of having reneged on a preliminary agreement.

“This has to be seen as a loss of confidence in Liu He and the desire of the leadership to bring in someone more politically savvy,” said Dennis Wilder, a former China analyst at the Central Intelligence Agency. “I am sure his instructions are to get tougher with the U.S.”

In an effort to revive the stalled trade talks, Trump agreed at the G-20 summit to postpone new tariffs on $300 billion in imports from China and to allow Huawei, a Chinese telecommunications company that U.S. officials call a national security threat, to continue buying American computer chips.

Trump told his trade team before the Tuesday call to secure the new Chinese orders for soybeans and wheat he believed he had been promised in Osaka, Japan. But Zhong and Liu offered no specific commitments, leaving negotiations at a virtual standstill, according to a White House official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the official was not authorized to speak publicly.

The administration also has yet to reach agreement with the Chinese government on dates for chief trade negotiator Robert E. Lighthizer and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to visit Beijing for the next round of direct talks, though U.S. officials said they remain optimistic such a meeting will happen.

Craig Allen, president of the U.S.-China Business Council, said administration statements about how the president's shift on Huawei would be implemented have been “confusing to American companies” and reflected a broader lack of follow-through to the discussions in Osaka. “All of the things they spoke of — none of them have happened,” said Allen, who added that he worries about an erosion of trust between the United States and China.

U.S. officials and Trump allies have privately expressed concern this week that the Chinese are digging in and avoiding firm commitments.

“Republicans in general are frustrated that the Chinese have been so uncooperative at this stage, and it's now clear this is going to be a slow process,” said conservative economist Stephen Moore, an informal Trump adviser. “They keep backpedaling, and the hard-liners in China play right into the hands of hard-liners in the U.S.”

As the faint glow of the most recent Trump-Xi meeting fades, negotiators are confronting the same to-do list that vexed them two months ago. Talks broke down in early May over U.S. demands that China commit to rewrite its laws to address complaints over its theft of intellectual property and forced technology transfer policies.

The two sides also deadlocked over Beijing's demand that Trump remove all of the tariffs he imposed on $250 billion in Chinese goods last year.

“We're stuck at the same point we were before,” said Derek Scissors, a China expert at the American Enterprise Institute and occasional administration adviser. “We're not getting anywhere.”

Zhong, 63, rose to a cabinet-level post in Beijing in 2017 after running two state-owned companies and serving as vice governor of Zhejiang province when Xi was the top official there.

“Zhong is a hard-liner's hard-liner,” said former White House chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon, who remains close to several Trump advisers.

Zhong, who joined the Communist Party at age 18, is the second veteran trade official to be added to the Chinese team in recent weeks. In April, Yu Jianhua, one of China's most experienced trade negotiators and its ambassador to the United Nations Office in Geneva, returned to Beijing to bolster Liu's delegation.

Some China specialists said the Trump administration is over-reacting to a minor personnel move.

James Green, a senior trade official until earlier this year at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, said Liu is in no danger of being upstaged by the commerce minister. Liu and Xi were childhood friends.

“Some folks in the White House, who may not have had the same deep level of experience in dealing with a wide range of Chinese interlocutors, may read too much into who's on a call,” said Green, a senior adviser at McLarty Associates. “All Chinese negotiators are on an incredibly short leash.”

Clete Willems of the law firm Akin Gump, who worked on trade talks in the White House until April, said Zhong's inclusion on the Chinese delegation could reflect internal Chinese bureaucratic politics.

Just as the U.S. team includes Lighthizer, who is intent on striking an ironclad accord, and Mnuchin, who is more sensitive to the effects of trade tensions on financial markets, Beijing has its own hawks and doves.

“If Xi wants a deal, he needs to have both sides bought in,” said Willems.

Though China's Commerce Ministry is generally regarded as supportive of trade links, Zhong is likely to fight fiercely to protect the country's commercial interests, according to Scott Kennedy, a senior adviser on China at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Chinese officials may be delaying any trade concessions until they see how Trump's G-20 change on Huawei's purchases from U.S. companies is implemented and how the administration reacts to continuing protests in Hong Kong, according to one Trump supporter who has been briefed by administration officials and spoke on the condition of anonymity because the person was not authorized to speak publicly.

The president in May signed an executive order that bars Huawei from supplying equipment for next-generation 5G communications networks in the United States, while the Commerce Department prohibited American companies from selling parts to the Chinese company without a government license, effectively blacklisting one of China's most prominent global corporations.

China may be prepared to wait Trump out because its economy, which slowed sharply last year, has stabilized thanks to government stimulus measures. The president's on-again, off-again tariff threats also have eroded the Chinese government’s faith in his ability to stick with any deal.

“The reality is that this likely means no deal for the foreseeable future,” said Kennedy. “China is no longer interested in reaching a big deal with Trump.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Robert Costa is a national political reporter for The Washington Post. He covers the White House, Congress, and campaigns. He joined The Post in January 2014. He is also the moderator of PBS's “Washington Week” and a political analyst for NBC News and MSNBC.

David J. Lynch joined The Washington Post in November 2017 from the Financial Times, where he covered white-collar crime. He was previously the cybersecurity editor at Politico and a senior writer with Bloomberg News, focusing on the intersection of politics and economics. Earlier, he followed the global economy for USA Today, where he was the founding bureau chief in both London and Beijing. He covered the wars in Kosovo and Iraq, the latter as an embedded reporter with the U.S. Marines, and was the paper's first recipient of a Nieman fellowship at Harvard University. He has reported from more than 60 countries.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/trump-team-fears-new-face-on-china-trade-team-signals-tougher-stance/2019/07/10/5b6c24d2-a349-11e9-b732-41a79c2551bf_story.html
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« Reply #85 on: July 12, 2019, 07:13:36 pm »


from The New York Times…

A Koch Executive's Harassment in China Adds to Fears Among Visitors

Amid worsening trade tensions, an American businessman was barred for days from leaving,
in an apparent message to President Trump. Others worry they may be next.


By PAUL MOZUR, ALEXANDRA STEVENSON and EDWARD WONG | Thursday, July 11, 2019

Business executives, other frequent visitors to China and Washington officials have expressed increasing alarm over instances in which the Chinese authorities have detained or harassed Americans. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.
Business executives, other frequent visitors to China and Washington officials have expressed increasing alarm over instances in which the Chinese
authorities have detained or harassed Americans. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.


A KOCH INDUSTRIES EXECUTIVE was told he could not leave China. An ex-diplomat who helped organize a technology forum in Beijing was hassled by authorities who wanted to question him. An industry group developed contingency plans, in case its offices were raided and computer servers were seized.

Business executives, Washington D.C. officials and other frequent visitors to China who were interviewed by The New York Times expressed increasing alarm about the Chinese authorities' harassment of Americans by holding them for questioning and preventing them from leaving the country.

They worry that trade tensions between Washington and Beijing could turn businesspeople and former officials into potential targets. Some companies are reviewing or beefing up their plans in case one of their employees faces problems, three people said. Many of the more than a dozen people interviewed by The N.Y. Times asked for anonymity because they feared reprisals from the Chinese authorities.

“In a very not-so-subtle manner, the Chinese government has upped the ante by detaining Americans at the borders and at their hotels, and with the obvious intent to send a message to the Trump administration that they can engage in hostage diplomacy if push comes to shove,” said James Zimmerman, a partner in the Beijing office of the law firm Perkins Coie, which works with American companies in China.

“If they go in that direction, this would not be received well by the American business community, which puts at risk billions of dollars of investment in China,” he said.

The problems escalated after Canadian officials arrested an executive of Huawei, the Chinese technology giant, at the behest of American officials. China then detained a Canadian businessman and a former diplomat.

The fear spreading through the American business community highlights how fraught ties between the world's two largest economies have become. Though President Trump and China's president, Xi Jinping, have agreed to restart trade talks, which broke off in May, the two sides remain far apart on the most contentious issues.


President Trump and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, right, have agreed to restart trade talks, yet the two sides remain far apart on the most contentious issues. — Photograph: Erin Schaff/The New York Times.
President Trump and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, right, have agreed to restart trade talks, yet the two sides remain far apart
on the most contentious issues. — Photograph: Erin Schaff/The New York Times.


Chinese officials see the American trade stance as a threat to their country's economic future. By imposing tariffs on Chinese imports, the Trump administration is encouraging companies to shift their supply chains away from China. The administration has also threatened to withhold crucial American technology from some of China's most successful companies. China has had to look further afield to find ways to punch back, in part because it imports less from the United States.

The extent of the harassment is unknown, but several recent episodes are likely to add to the concerns. Companies that publicly discuss such problems in China could face punishment from the politicized court system, calls for boycotts in the state-run news media or other punishments meted out behind closed doors. Officials at China's Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Public Security, its main police agency, did not respond to requests for comment.

Many American business figures still come and go without major incident. Elon Musk, the chief executive of the electric-car maker Tesla, was offered permanent residency by Li Keqiang, China's premier, after he visited China in January to open a factory.




Still, a number of recent run-ins with the authorities have prompted broader worries. In late June, one American industry group sent an email to its members detailing how it was trying to mitigate its own risks.

“Foreign staff in particular have reported a high level of anxiety about the current environment,” it said in the message, which was reviewed by The New York Times. It said it was “in the process of finalizing a detailed crisis plan to be used in the event that one of our offices is raided and/or one of our staff is detained.”

Those plans included a procedure if its servers were seized. It also said it had reviewed insurance policies to ensure that staff evacuations were covered, and it recommended that workers not travel to sensitive parts of China.

Washington officials continue to warn travelers that the Chinese authorities have blocked a number of Americans from leaving China, a practice known as exit bans. Many of those targeted are business people. Often they are naturalized American citizens who were born in China.

In some cases, the Chinese authorities use such bans to exert pressure on Americans who are members of the families of local officials, like the wife and children of Liu Changming, a former executive at state-owned bank accused of fraud. Huang Wan, the American daughter-in-law of Zhou Yongkang, a fallen former senior leader, has also publicly said she has been forbidden to leave.

In early June,  a Chinese-American executive at Koch Industries, the conglomerate owned by the conservative billionaire brothers David and Charles Koch, was told he could not leave the immediate vicinity of his hotel in southern China, according to three people with knowledge of the matter. He was then interrogated for multiple days, with the discussion hitting on the trade war and souring relations between the United States and China.

While the authorities told the man that he would not be allowed to leave China, they did not take his passport. After the State Department intervened, tensions subsided and he was able to fly out of the country, the people added.

Given some of the discussion, two of the people with knowledge of the episode involving the Koch Industries executive said they believed it was an attempt to send a message to Mr. Trump.

The Kochs have traditionally been major financial backers of Republicans, including Mike Pompeo, the secretary of state and a former Republican congressman from Kansas. Koch Industries also has big investments in China, where it employs more than 23,000 people. Last year, a Koch subsidiary said it would put more than $1 billion into a chemical plant in Shanghai.

But the Kochs, whose views are more libertarian than populist, have also criticized Mr. Trump's trade and immigration policies, prompting the president on Twitter to call them “a total joke in real Republican circles”.


Chinese leaders see American restrictions on companies like Huawei, the telecommunications giant, as an effort to hold back their country’s progress. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times.
Chinese leaders see American restrictions on companies like Huawei, the telecommunications giant, as an effort to hold back their country’s progress.
 — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times.


In late June, the authorities tried to interrogate a former Beijing-based American diplomat, according to three people with knowledge of the incident. The former diplomat had been attending an artificial intelligence forum in Beijing, which he helped organize, when a hotel employee called his room on the night of June 25, saying that government security officers in the lobby wanted to speak with him. Alarmed, the former diplomat emailed the other American conference attendees, then went down.

Two plainclothes officers asked him to go with them to answer questions. They asked him about his diplomatic status and whether he had diplomatic immunity, the people said. They demanded to see his passport, which he refused to show.

The former diplomat called American Embassy officials. After a few senior diplomats arrived, the Chinese officers left, the people said.

Other run-ins create an atmosphere of intimidation. Early this year, a technology industry executive who has traveled to and worked in China for more than a decade without major incident encountered authorities in a smaller city in eastern China, according to an account from the person, who asked not to be identified publicly for fear of retaliation.

While the executive was traveling between meetings, a black car appeared to be following, often taking no precautions to disguise its presence. When the executive arrived at the airport to leave, a group of about six men with earpieces and bulletproof vests emerged from the car. One carried a visible sidearm, and another filmed the executive. Two of the men then followed the executive through security to the airport gate before the executive flew out.

As the trade war has intensified, China has tried to use American businesses to send a message to the Trump administration. It summoned American executives in June to warn them that they would suffer if they followed the administration's proposed ban on sales of American technology. Business people have taken new steps to reduce their profiles when traveling in China, including using burner phones and wiping laptops that may contain sensitive information, according to three people with knowledge of the matter.

Over all, that has led to growing nervousness among business people.

“A lot of Western businesses are not willing to speak up loudly because they think things could get worse,” said Peter Humphrey, a British private investigator who was imprisoned in China in 2013 while working for GlaxoSmithKline. Now living in Britain, he advises companies on security and business issues in China and says his clients face growing retaliation.

“I believe we are seeing the worst environment since the Cultural Revolution,” he added, “in terms of the extent to which people are under surveillance and control, and the extent to which people are punished.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Nicholas Confessore contributed reporting from New York.

Paul Mozur is a technology reporter based in Shanghai. Along with writing about Asia's biggest tech companies, he covers cybersecurity, emerging internet cultures, censorship and the intersection of geopolitics and technology in Asia. A Mandarin speaker, he was a reporter for The Wall Street Journal in China and Taiwan prior to joining The New York Times in 2014. He cut his teeth covering smuggling, wild boars and the courts for The Standard in Hong Kong, and got his start as an editorial assistant at The Far Eastern Economic Review.

Alexandra Stevenson is a business correspondent based in Hong Kong covering Chinese corporate giants, the changing landscape for multinational companies and China’s growing economic and financial influence in Asia. Before moving to Hong Kong, she covered the world of high finance and its darker corners, charting the influence of billionaire financiers in the markets and on the political stage for The New York Times in New York. She was a reporter for the Financial Times in New Delhi and London prior to joining The N.Y. Times in 2013. Originally from Canada, she has also lived in Thailand, Singapore, and China, where she got her start as a reporter.

Edward Wong is a diplomatic and international correspondent for The New York Times who reports on foreign policy from Washington. He has spent most of his career abroad, reporting for 13 years from China and Iraq for The N.Y. Times. As Beijing bureau chief, he ran The Times's largest overseas operation. He has filed dispatches from North Korea, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Tibet, Nepal, Mongolia, Myanmar, Vietnam and Indonesia, among other places. He was on the final flight of the Concorde. Mr. Wong began reporting for The New York Times in 1999 and worked for four years on the metro, sports and business desks before going overseas. His first posting was to Iraq to cover the American invasion and civil war, from 2003 to 2007. He then reported from China for nine years. During that period, he also wrote stories on a trek on foot through the Wakhan Corridor of Afghanistan and a cruise to North Korea run by a state-owned enterprise based in Pyongyang. He was a Nieman Fellow at Harvard University from 2017 to 2018 and taught international reporting at Princeton University as a Ferris Professor of Journalism in 2017. He is an associate at Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Mr. Wong has appeared in documentary films by Laura Poitras and Vanessa Hope and produced his own short film on China. He has spoken on PBS NewsHour, NPR, BBC, CBC and ARTE. He has given talks at American universities on journalism, war and foreign policy. Mr. Wong received a Livingston Award for his coverage of the Iraq War and was on a team from The New York Times's Baghdad Bureau that was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize in international reporting. He has two awards from the Society of Publishers in Asia for coverage of China. He was on The N.Y. Times team that received an award for best documentary project from Pictures of the Year International for a series on global climate change migrants. The project was also nominated for an Emmy Award. He has a prize from the Associated Press Sports Editors. Mr. Wong graduated with honors from the University of Virginia with a bachelor’s degree in English literature. He has dual master’s degrees in journalism and international studies from the University of California at Berkeley. He has studied Mandarin Chinese at the Beijing Language and Culture University, Taiwan University and Middlebury College. He was born in Washington, D.C., and grew up in Alexandria, Virginia.

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/11/business/american-businesses-china.html
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« Reply #86 on: July 15, 2019, 01:52:12 am »


In other words ... China is digging in the heels and telling Trump to “go fuck yourself!”

China KNOWS they are the rising world superpower whereas America is the waning world superpower, so why should China do what Trump wants?

Hence why China is playing hard-ball over trade.
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« Reply #87 on: August 24, 2019, 01:00:29 pm »


I see China has just slapped a whole lot more tariffs on imports from America.

And American stocks have tanked in value again as a result.

Like Trump said, “winning trade wars is easy!”






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« Reply #88 on: August 29, 2019, 12:37:00 am »


from The Washington Post…

A year into the trade war, China learns to ride out Trump's turbulence

China increasingly adopts a policy of strategic patience amid Trump's mixed signals.

By ANNA FIFIELD and DAVID J. LYNCH | 6:12PM EDT — Tuesday, August 27, 2019

President Donald J. Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping during a bilateral meeting alongside Group of 20 talks in Osaka, Japan, in June. — Photograph: Brendan Smialowski/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images.
President Donald J. Trump and Chinese leader Xi Jinping during a bilateral meeting alongside Group of 20 talks in Osaka, Japan, in June.
 — Photograph: Brendan Smialowski/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images.


BEIJING — President Trump may think he's keeping Chinese negotiators guessing with his whiplash-inducing remarks about the U.S.-China trade war.

But he's not fooling anyone here.

More than a year into the deepening commercial conflict, Chinese officials and analysts say they've got a handle on the tweeter-in-chief and are no longer fazed by his unpredictable initiatives.

“There is a lot of fatigue with President Trump's ‘art of the deal’,” said Wang Huiyao, president of the Center for China and Globalization and an adviser to China's cabinet.

“It's like a roller coaster. Buenos Aires, Osaka, Shanghai. He says one thing one day, then hits the world with a surprise the next day,” Wang said, referring to the sites of high-level, if ill-fated, negotiating sessions. “The more they deal with him, the more they figure him out.”

At the Group of Seven leaders' summit in Biarritz, France, this weekend, Trump brushed aside complaints that his habit of swerving between tough talk and a salesman's hype was damaging the global economy.

“Sorry! It's the way I negotiate,” he told reporters on Monday. “It's done very well for me over the years. It's doing very well for the country.”

It hasn't, however, produced a deal that would commit China to make the structural changes in its state-led economy that the administration has been seeking for more than a year.

Trump has announced tariffs that by December 15 will cover almost 97 percent of the Chinese merchandise that American companies import, according to economist Chad Bown of the Peterson Institute for International Economics.

By depressing demand for Chinese goods, U.S. tariffs have cost 3 million Chinese factory workers their jobs, according to Trump, and put pressure on Chinese President Xi Jinping to make a deal.

Trump's claim to have the upper hand at the negotiating table does not appear to have convinced the Chinese.

“They've decided Trump is a vacillating guy who can't figure out what he wants and gets spooked every time the stock market goes down or someone accuses him of not being tough,” said Arthur Kroeber, managing director of Gavekal Dragonomics, a consultancy in Beijing. “Although there are problems in China, they believe they have their economy under control, more so than Trump. They think he is more vulnerable to a slowdown and that they can afford to wait him out.”

By early May, the two sides had completed 90 percent of a deal involving major Chinese purchases of American farm, industrial and energy products as well as enhanced protections for foreign companies' technology and trade secrets, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin said this summer.

But the trade war between the world's economic superpowers appears to have entered a dangerous new phase this month, with new rounds of retaliatory tariffs and a demand from Trump that U.S. companies stop doing business with China.

That has caused alarm across the globe, with fears that the war could help tip leading economies such as Japan and Germany into recession and create new head winds for the American economy. China's growth rate has, meanwhile, slowed to its lowest rate in three decades.

Chinese officials were initially mystified by Trump's unconventional style, and Xi is said to have faced criticism for underestimating Trump's resolve to tackle China's trading practices.

But emerging last week from this year’s Communist Party confab at the beach resort of Beidaihe, China’s leadership appears to have decided to hunker down.

“What's the point of calling Xi Jinping ‘a good friend’ and ‘a great leader’ but still increasing tariffs?” asked Yao Xinchao, a trade professor at the University of International Business and Economics. “He's a 70-ish-year-old man but speaks like a 7-year-old kid. We just can't listen to what he says now. I think Chinese leaders have realized this, too.”

Wang Yiwei, a professor of international relations at the Renmin University, shares a similarly disdainful view. “He is a real estate developer; he is a profiteer in the eyes of the Chinese people,” he said.

But the bottom line remains that China, which is experiencing a marked economic slowdown, wants a deal.

“The trade dispute between China and the U.S. should be resolved through dialogue and consultations,” Foreign Ministry spokesman Geng Shuang said on Tuesday, adding that the United States's “maximum-pressure approach hurts both sides and is not in the least constructive.”

“We hope that the U.S. can exercise restraint, return to reason, and demonstrate sincerity in order to facilitate further consultations on the basis of mutual respect and mutual benefits,” Geng said.

The question now is how the two sides find a way out of the standoff.

Wei Jianguo, a former vice minister of commerce, said Trump's efforts to browbeat countries such as Canada, Mexico and Japan into making a deal will not work with China.

“We have seen and understand Trump's style,” Wei said. “If he thinks he can secure an advantage for the U.S. and wear China down by exerting various kinds of extreme pressure, he's dreaming. It's impossible.”

The longer this pattern continues, the more China becomes concerned that any deal won't stick.

“Now China understands him thoroughly and knows that inconsistency is his nature,” said Wang, of Renmin University. “Even if an agreement is signed, he may not implement it well. But, without an agreement, he does this over and over again, which is also very annoying.”

Many analysts expect the dispute to continue to at least November, when the two leaders are likely to meet at a summit of Pacific Rim nations in Chile.

Xi, meanwhile, confronts domestic political challenges that likely reduce his willingness to make concessions under foreign pressure. The authorities in Beijing face a growing crisis in Hong Kong, where protests aimed at preserving the city's special status continue, and are preoccupied by preparations to celebrate in early October the politically charged 70th anniversary of the Communist Party's takeover of China.


__________________________________________________________________________

Liu Yang, Wang Yuan and Lyric Li contributed to this report.

Anna Fifield is the Beijing bureau chief for The Washington Post, covering all aspects of greater China. She was The Post's bureau chief in Tokyo between 2014 and 2018, focusing on Japan and the Koreas but periodically reporting from other parts of the region. She particularly concentrated on North Korea, trying to shed light on the lives of ordinary people there and also on how the regime managed to stay in power. She is the author of The Great Successor: The Divinely Perfect Destiny of Brilliant Comrade Kim Jong Un. She started as a journalist in her home country of New Zealand where shed gained a BA from Victoria University of Wellington and a post-graduate diploma in journalism from the University of Canterbury, then worked for the Financial Times for 13 years. During her time there, she reported from almost 20 countries, from Iran and Libya to North Korea and Australia. During the 2013-2014 academic year, she was a Nieman journalism fellow at Harvard, studying how change happens in closed societies.

David J. Lynch joined The Washington Post in November 2017 from the Financial Times, where he covered white-collar crime. He was previously the cybersecurity editor at Politico and a senior writer with Bloomberg News, focusing on the intersection of politics and economics. Earlier, he followed the global economy for USA Today, where he was the founding bureau chief in both London and Beijing. He covered the wars in Kosovo and Iraq, the latter as an embedded reporter with the U.S. Marines, and was the paper's first recipient of a Nieman fellowship at Harvard University. He has reported from more than 60 countries.

__________________________________________________________________________

Related to this topic:

 • REUTERS VIDEO: Trump says China wants to restart trade talks

 • VIDEO: Trump once said he never has second thoughts. Now he has some.

 • Trump insists trade talks have restarted with China, but details are elusive

 • Mixed signals, reversals cloud second day of G-7 summit

 • Trump drops pretense of friendship with China's Xi Jinping, calls him an ‘enemy’

 • ‘Protectionist bullying’: China denounces Trump administration's latest tariff hikes

 • Trump retaliates in trade war by demanding companies cut ties with China

 • With the U.S.-China trade war escalating, Trump arrives at G-7 with a list of grievances


https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/asia_pacific/a-year-into-the-trade-war-china-learns-to-ride-out-trumps-turbulence/2019/08/27/458be5a8-c84c-11e9-9615-8f1a32962e04_story.html
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« Reply #89 on: September 01, 2019, 09:09:58 pm »


from The New York Times…

U.S.-China Trade War Hits a New Phase,
and a Boot Maker Trembles


A new wave of tariffs is about to hit companies, workers and consumers
on both sides of the Pacific. But Beijing thinks it can endure.


By RAYMOND ZHONG and KEITH BRADSHER | 12:14AM EDT — Sunday, September 01, 2019

Workers at Yong Du Shoes in Dongguan. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
Workers at Yong Du Shoes in Dongguan. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.

DONGGUAN, CHINA — Bruce Xu's factory in southern China produces just about the most all-American footwear there is: real leather cowboy boots, complete with generous heels and expressive stitching up the sides.

Lately, though, the trade war has made running an all-American business in China “a big headache, a big pain,” Mr. Xu says. And the pain, he acknowledges, is about to get worse.

Fourteen months into their trade war, the United States and China — plus the workers, consumers, factory owners and more who depend on commerce between the two nations — are about to face their biggest test yet.

On Sunday, the United States began charging a 15 percent tax on more than $100 billion worth of Chinese goods, Mr. Xu's boots included. This came in addition to the 25 percent tariffs President Trump had already imposed on $250 billion on everything from cars to aircraft parts from China. Those levies are going up to 30 percent in October.

Beijing retaliated with increased tariffs of its own on Sunday. Both governments have more scheduled for December.

The two sides, in other words, have settled in for a fight that could last beyond next year's American elections, no matter how punishing the consequences might be.

Mr. Trump believes the American economy is stronger than China's, despite hints of a coming recession in the United States, and so Beijing will have to give in.

China's leaders are betting that the Chinese economy, while slowing, is healthy enough to outlast Mr. Trump. They believe their own efforts to curb China's excessive lending, not the trade war, are holding the economy back, and if needed, they could suspend recent limits on debt to juice the economy again.

Chinese leaders are also increasingly pessimistic that they can reach a comprehensive deal with Mr. Trump, given his erratic negotiating style and new threats issued just a week ago.

Beijing, therefore, is showing no sign of backing down. It has taken steps to blunt the trade war's impact on consumers and companies, and hinted that it could use the value of its currency as a weapon to strike back, which could shake markets if it follows through.


Almost all Yong Du's leather cowboy boots, complete with generous heels and expressive stitching, are sold to the United States. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
Almost all Yong Du's leather cowboy boots, complete with generous heels and expressive stitching,
are sold to the United States. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.


Should the trade war seriously damage the Chinese economy, however, the world would lose its biggest single driver of economic growth in recent years. A lengthy tariff conflict might also force even more American companies to look for other places to set up their factories. That could be a complicated and expensive process that dents their productivity for years to come.

Both sides are considering ways to help businesses endure the fight. Mr. Trump has boosted aid to farmers and contemplated tax cuts. But thanks to the Chinese government's tight control over the economy, Beijing has more options, including dramatic steps such as flooding the financial system with money or ramping up government spending.

On Tuesday, the central government announced measures aimed at empowering the country's shoppers, including discounts for appliance purchases and a weakening of traffic-related restrictions on the sale of new cars. It is trying to find new markets for China's factories, including by trying to reach a trade deal covering most of eastern and southern Asia before November.

The government has also been trying to directly help small businesses slammed by both the trade war, which has hurt exports to the United States, and the debt reduction campaign, which has pinched lending. In May, Zhejiang Province in eastern China unveiled a $30 billion plan to cut taxes and regulatory costs for small businesses.

Still, signs of strain are not hard to find. In the city of Huzhou, in Zhejiang, local officials in December surveying the impact of the trade war found a company called Tianzhen Bamboo Flooring that was laying off workers and trying to open new markets in Europe and Canada. A person at the company who answered the phone this week as Ms. Zhang confirmed that some workers were cut, and that Tianzhen had not had much luck with new markets so far.

Whether China's strategy works will depend a lot on how business people like Mr. Xu weather the coming months.


The company has around 700 workers in Dongguan, an industrial city near Shenzhen and Hong Kong. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
The company has around 700 workers in Dongguan, an industrial city near Shenzhen and Hong Kong.
 — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.


Mr. Xu, 50, is the general manager at Yong Du Shoes, which produces 800,000 to a million pairs of cowboy boots a year. Pretty much all of them are sold to the United States.

The company has around 700 workers in Dongguan, an industrial city near Shenzhen and Hong Kong. Mr. Trump's tariffs are only one of many rising costs, including labor.

“Year after year after year after year, our profits have become thinner and thinner,” said Phillip Lee, 62, a consultant for Yong Du.

Even the weakening Chinese currency is a temporary balm, Mr. Lee said. The dollars that Yong Du earns from its American partners are now worth more in Chinese currency than they were before. But when the exchange rate shifts, overseas buyers quickly come asking to renegotiate their pricing agreements, Mr. Lee said.

“Customers are very fast,” he said. “They figure it out very quickly.”

That has left Yong Du with only a few unappealing options.

Laying off workers or trimming salaries would help. But with inflation in China already eating away at earnings, Mr. Lee said he had not been able to bring himself to that.

The company could try to sell its boots in Europe, but who would buy them? “There isn't that culture around cowboy boots in other countries,” Mr. Xu said.


Bruce Xu, 50, is the general manager at Yong Du Shoes, which produces 800,000 to a million pairs of cowboy boots a year. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
Bruce Xu, 50, is the general manager at Yong Du Shoes, which produces 800,000 to a million
pairs of cowboy boots a year. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.


Yong Du could try producing more of its shoes outside of China — in Southeast Asia, for instance. Mr. Lee has helped run factories in Vietnam before, though, and the language barrier caused major problems. “Vietnam isn't so simple,” he said.

It would also be tough, Mr. Lee said, to find enough workers in Southeast Asia who are up to snuff. Many of the company's staff in Dongguan have more than a decade of shoe-making experience, he said.

Mostly, therefore, Yong Du Shoes will have to wait.

In half a year or so, when the company's American partners release new models of boots, they might be able charge higher prices to help offset the tariffs, Mr. Lee said. Even then, the companies will not likely want to raise prices on older models that are consistently strong sellers.

Mr. Lee said that Yong Du and its American partners had helped each other through tough times before. “We've worked together long enough that everybody is very familiar with each other,” he said.

“It's only because this problem came up all of a sudden that we're all having a hard time dealing with it,” Mr. Xu said.

Every year, Mr. Xu said, he travels to the United States to see customers. These visits have given him some sense of American cowboy culture, even if the whole thing still puzzles him somewhat.

“It's very strange,” he said, smiling. “They have horse-riding competitions and bull-riding competitions. People of all kinds take part. Foreigners' ways of thinking can be very strange.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Raymond Zhong reported from Dongguan and Keith Bradsher from Beijing. Ailin Tang contributed research from Dongguan.

Raymond Zhong joined The New York Times as a technology reporter in 2017. He was previously based in New Delhi for The Wall Street Journal, where he covered India's fast-moving economy and wrote about life at a busy Indian train station, avalanches and earthquakes in Nepal, the conflict in Kashmir and the surprising number of people in the Maldives who don't know how to swim.

Keith Bradsher is the Pulitzer Prize-winning Shanghai bureau chief for The New York Times, having reopened the Shanghai bureau on November 14th, 2016. He has previously served as the Hong Kong bureau chief and the Detroit bureau chief for The Times. Before those postings, he was a Washington correspondent for The Times covering the Federal Reserve and international trade, and a New York-based business reporter covering transportation and telecommunications for The Times. Born in 1964, Mr. Bradsher received a degree in economics from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he was a Morehead Scholar. He received a master's degree in public policy with a concentration in economics from the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton University. Prior to joining The New York Times, Mr. Bradsher wrote for the Los Angeles Times from 1987 until 1989.

• A version of this article appears in The New York Times on September 1, 2019, on page A8 of the New York print edition with the headline: “As New Tariffs Kick In, Not Even Cowboy Boots Made in China Are Safe”.

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/31/business/trump-china-tariffs.html
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« Reply #90 on: September 02, 2019, 11:42:05 am »

the truth about China they lie, rob and murder their people
China is bankrupted by its criminal elite it has a fake economy that's stuffed from mass money printing
China's leaders are robbing their slaves

they don't give a fuck about their people or climate change

China has the world record for mass murder


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« Reply #91 on: September 02, 2019, 08:30:23 pm »


Whatever...

China is still winning the trade war with Trump.

Fucking hilarious, eh?
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« Reply #92 on: September 03, 2019, 08:40:38 am »

you are sick get help idiot
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« Reply #93 on: September 03, 2019, 12:00:35 pm »


Trump started a stupid trade war.

China are going to bury America with Trump's stupid trade war.

I guess that's what happens when dumb Jesuslanders elect a stupid moron to be their president, eh?
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« Reply #94 on: September 03, 2019, 04:00:46 pm »


Those dumbarse American farmers voted for Donald J. Trump.

Now Trump's “trade war” is screwing them as the Chinese markets for their products dries up.

Faaaarking hilarious, eh?





“Trade wars are easy to win,” said the idiot Donald J. Trump.







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