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“It's time for a Trade War” said President Dumb aka Cadet Bone Spurs


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Author Topic: “It's time for a Trade War” said President Dumb aka Cadet Bone Spurs  (Read 1687 times)
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« Reply #75 on: May 29, 2019, 03:12:59 pm »

another dead ball fantasy
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« Reply #76 on: May 29, 2019, 06:57:58 pm »


Only STUPID PEOPLE support Donald J. Trump. 

So ……………………………………………………………… are you STUPID? 

Or are you somebody who doesn't support America's clown emperor with no clothes and are therefore NOT STUPID
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« Reply #77 on: May 30, 2019, 04:01:44 pm »


from The Seattle Times…

Will China pay for the border wall?

Just as he thought Mexico would pay for a wall on our southern border,
President Donald Trump thinks China is forking over billions of dollars…


By DAVID HORSEY | 12:14PM PDT — Friday, May 24, 2019



BOTH BEFORE AND AFTER he was elected president, Donald Trump insisted that the wall he wants to build on the southern border would be paid for by Mexico. That was always a fiction. And now Trump claims that China is paying billions of dollars to the United States as a result of the steep hike in tariffs on Chinese imports that his administration has imposed. This is yet another bit of Trumpian hyperbole that has no connection to reality.

In truth, it is American consumers who are paying the higher prices for Chinese-made products. And it is American exporters who are getting slammed by China's reciprocal tariffs. Among those getting hit hardest are American farmers who ship their crops to Chinese markets. To give them a little relief, Trump has announced farmers and ranchers will be getting $16 billion in emergency financial aid. Is China paying for that? Of course not; American taxpayers are picking up the bill, just like they will pay for a wall should it ever get built.


__________________________________________________________________________

• See more of David Horsey's cartoons at The Seattle Times HERE.

https://www.seattletimes.com/opinion/will-china-pay-for-the-border-wall
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« Reply #78 on: June 01, 2019, 05:22:56 pm »


from The New York Times…

China Steps Up Trade War and Plans Blacklist of U.S. Firms

Without disclosing details, officials say they plan to retaliate against those who
blockade Chinese companies, in an apparent response to Huawei's problems.


By ALEXANDRA STEVENSON and PAUL MOZUR | Friday, May 31, 2019

A Huawei advertisement in Shanghai. The company was placed on an American blacklist two weeks ago. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.
A Huawei advertisement in Shanghai. The company was placed on an American blacklist two weeks ago. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.

BEIJING — The Chinese government said on Friday that it was putting together an “unreliable entities list” of foreign companies and people, an apparent first step toward retaliating against the United States for denying vital American technology to Chinese companies.

China's Ministry of Commerce said the list would contain foreign companies, individuals and organizations that “do not follow market rules, violate the spirit of contracts, blockade and stop supplying Chinese companies for non-commercial reasons, and seriously damage the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese companies.”

It did not give any details of which companies or entities it would include on the list, or what would happen to them. The ministry said that specific measures would be announced in the “near future.”

Still, the language echoes that of the United States government, which in recent months has placed Chinese companies on what it calls an “entity list” of firms that need special permission to buy American components and technology. Two weeks ago, the Trump administration placed Huawei, the Chinese maker of telecommunications gear, on the entity list, which could deny it access to microchips, software and other American-provided technology it needs to make and sell its products.

Shortly afterward, some American technology companies, including Google, said they would stop supplying Huawei. The American government has since granted Huawei a 90-day waiver, giving Chinese and American officials time to reach an agreement. The Trump administration is also said to be considering putting Hikvision, a Chinese video surveillance company, on the list.

If Friday's move is calculated to be a tit-for-tat strike back at American technology companies, Beijing will have ample targets.

Although major websites like Facebook, Twitter, and Google are already blocked in China, and rules strictly control other businesses like online payments and cloud services, most American technology firms have a big presence in China.

Both Google and Microsoft run sizable research and development operations in the country, and their Android and Windows operating systems are ubiquitous on Chinese smartphones and computers. Google and Facebook probably pull in billions of dollars in advertising revenue from Chinese companies.

The vague announcement also opens the door to retaliation of other kinds, perhaps against individuals or companies that depend heavily on the Chinese market for selling their products. If China decided to target individuals specifically, it could raise questions for foreigners doing business in China.

It could also give Beijing a way to punish American firms without forcing them to shut down operations in a way that would hurt China's economy or its long-term growth prospects.


Microsoft's research lab in Beijing is its largest outside the United States. — Photograph: Thomas Peter/Reuters.
Microsoft's research lab in Beijing is its largest outside the United States. — Photograph: Thomas Peter/Reuters.

Gao Feng, the Commerce Ministry's spokesman, said in the statement that the list would be aimed at those who block supplies and “take other discriminatory measures.”

An entity would be added to the list, he added, when its activity “not only damages the legitimate rights and interests of Chinese enterprises, and endangers China's national security and interests, but also threatens the global industrial chain and supply chain security.”

But China must be careful in how it retaliates, since many American companies are already reconsidering their dependence on the Chinese market and Chinese suppliers. If neither side backs off, the brinkmanship could permanently pull apart the supply chains that entwine the countries' economies.

Still, any move to shut down American technology companies' operations in China could hurt Chinese companies and the country's longer-term tech development. A shutdown of Microsoft's and Google's offices would mean that Chinese workers lose access to valuable training. Many of China's leading artificial intelligence entrepreneurs got their beginnings at Microsoft's A.I. lab.

Forcing American companies out of China's electronics supply chain could have a major impact on Chinese manufacturers. It would also most likely hasten strategies by American technology firms to diversify their supply chains away from China.

Yet if Beijing was willing to take that hit, many companies would struggle to immediately replicate production elsewhere. China's density of component makers and assembly factories is unmatched around the world.

“It's a really high-risk way to go about it,” said Andrew Polk, a founder of Trivium, a consulting firm in Beijing. “They are effectively forcing companies to choose, and companies will probably choose the U.S.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Alexandra Stevenson reported from Beijing, and Paul Mozur from Shanghai. Elsie Chen and Ailin Tang contributed research to this story.

Alexandra Stevenson is a business correspondent based in Hong Kong covering Chinese corporate giants, the changing landscape for multi-national companies and China's growing economic and financial influence in Asia. Before moving to Hong Kong, she covered the world of high finance and its darker corners, charting the influence of billionaire financiers in the markets and on the political stage for The New York Times in New York. She was a reporter for the Financial Times in New Delhi and London prior to joining The New York Times in 2013. Originally from Canada, she has also lived in Thailand, Singapore, and China, where she got her start as a reporter.

Paul Mozur is a technology reporter based in Shanghai. Along with writing about Asia's biggest tech companies, he covers cyber-security, emerging internet cultures, censorship and the intersection of geopolitics and technology in Asia. A Mandarin speaker, he was a reporter for The Wall Street Journal in China and Taiwan prior to joining The New York Times in 2014. He cut his teeth covering smuggling, wild boars and the courts for The Standard in Hong Kong, and got his start as an editorial assistant at The Far Eastern Economic Review.

• A version of this article appears in The New York Times on Saturday, June 1, 2019, on Page B4 of the New York print edition with the headline: “China, Stepping Up Trade War, Plans a Blacklist of U.S. Firms”.

__________________________________________________________________________

Related to this topic:

 • As China Takes Aim, Silicon Valley Braces for Pain

 • Things Were Going Great for Wall Street. Then the Trade War Heated Up.

 • Trade War Starts Changing Manufacturers in Hard-to-Reverse Ways

 • Huawei Revs Up Its U.S. Lawsuit, With the Media in Mind

 • The Trade War's Next Battle Could Be China's Access to Wall Street

 • Huawei Ban Threatens Wireless Service in Rural Areas

 • Huawei Is a Target as Trump Moves to Ban Foreign Telecom Gear


https://www.nytimes.com/2019/05/31/business/china-list-us-huawei-retaliate.html
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« Reply #79 on: June 02, 2019, 05:35:50 am »

good job fuck china
they are a bunch of crooks they spy on and steal everyone's stuff and cannot be trusted

America needs to destroy China

« Last Edit: June 02, 2019, 05:42:21 am by Im2Sexy4MyPants » Report Spam   Logged

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« Reply #80 on: June 02, 2019, 12:00:15 pm »


Wait until China cuts off the supply of rare earth metals to America in retaliation.

China has over 90% of the world's supply of rare earth metals tied up and American industry consumes 77% of those rare earth metals.

Watch Trump screech & scream when China says “get fucked” and bans exports of rare earth metals to America because they are a security risk to China.

Then it will be hahaha and hehehe and ROFLMAO.
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« Reply #81 on: June 02, 2019, 12:01:21 pm »

America needs to destroy China


China doesn't need to destroy America because Donald J. Trump is doing it for them.

China is going to become the world's top dog anyway, but Trump is speeding that up.
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« Reply #82 on: June 02, 2019, 07:28:40 pm »

Trump is a chink in their armour he will fuck china
any idiot can go to China to use the cheap slave labour pay no tax and lose half of what they own to the Chinese government

fuck china nuke the chink cunts


« Last Edit: June 02, 2019, 07:36:11 pm by Im2Sexy4MyPants » Report Spam   Logged

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« Reply #83 on: June 02, 2019, 08:38:03 pm »



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« Reply #84 on: July 12, 2019, 06:48:34 pm »


from The Washington Post…

Trump team fears new face on China trade team signals tougher stance

The G-20 summit seemed to offer signs of progress on a U.S.-China trade deal. But those hopes are fading.

By ROBERT COSTA and DAVID J. LYNCH | 8:01PM EDT — Wednesday, July 10, 2019

Chinese Commerce Minister Zhong Shan, regarded by some White House officials as a hard-liner, greets a Bangladeshi delegate in Beijing on July 4. — Photograph: Pool/Reuters.
Chinese Commerce Minister Zhong Shan, regarded by some White House officials as a hard-liner, greets a Bangladeshi delegate in Beijing on July 4.
 — Photograph: Pool/Reuters.


THE Trump administration is increasingly concerned about prospects for a trade deal with China, amid an unexpected reshuffling of the Chinese negotiating team and a lack of progress on core issues since the Group of 20 summit in Japan, according to U.S. officials and senior Republicans briefed on the discussions.

Commerce Minister Zhong Shan, regarded by some White House officials as a hard-liner, has assumed new prominence in the talks, participating in a Tuesday tele-conference alongside Chinese Vice Premier Liu He, who has headed the Chinese trade team for more than a year.

Hopes for a deal also have been dented by China's failure to make large new purchases of U.S. farm products — despite President Trump's claim at the G-20 that Chinese President Xi Jinping had agreed to place such orders “almost immediately” — and the lack of any announced schedule for the next round of direct talks.

Zhong's sudden emergence comes two months after the U.S.-China trade negotiations collapsed with the Trump administration accusing Beijing of having reneged on a preliminary agreement.

“This has to be seen as a loss of confidence in Liu He and the desire of the leadership to bring in someone more politically savvy,” said Dennis Wilder, a former China analyst at the Central Intelligence Agency. “I am sure his instructions are to get tougher with the U.S.”

In an effort to revive the stalled trade talks, Trump agreed at the G-20 summit to postpone new tariffs on $300 billion in imports from China and to allow Huawei, a Chinese telecommunications company that U.S. officials call a national security threat, to continue buying American computer chips.

Trump told his trade team before the Tuesday call to secure the new Chinese orders for soybeans and wheat he believed he had been promised in Osaka, Japan. But Zhong and Liu offered no specific commitments, leaving negotiations at a virtual standstill, according to a White House official who spoke on the condition of anonymity because the official was not authorized to speak publicly.

The administration also has yet to reach agreement with the Chinese government on dates for chief trade negotiator Robert E. Lighthizer and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin to visit Beijing for the next round of direct talks, though U.S. officials said they remain optimistic such a meeting will happen.

Craig Allen, president of the U.S.-China Business Council, said administration statements about how the president's shift on Huawei would be implemented have been “confusing to American companies” and reflected a broader lack of follow-through to the discussions in Osaka. “All of the things they spoke of — none of them have happened,” said Allen, who added that he worries about an erosion of trust between the United States and China.

U.S. officials and Trump allies have privately expressed concern this week that the Chinese are digging in and avoiding firm commitments.

“Republicans in general are frustrated that the Chinese have been so uncooperative at this stage, and it's now clear this is going to be a slow process,” said conservative economist Stephen Moore, an informal Trump adviser. “They keep backpedaling, and the hard-liners in China play right into the hands of hard-liners in the U.S.”

As the faint glow of the most recent Trump-Xi meeting fades, negotiators are confronting the same to-do list that vexed them two months ago. Talks broke down in early May over U.S. demands that China commit to rewrite its laws to address complaints over its theft of intellectual property and forced technology transfer policies.

The two sides also deadlocked over Beijing's demand that Trump remove all of the tariffs he imposed on $250 billion in Chinese goods last year.

“We're stuck at the same point we were before,” said Derek Scissors, a China expert at the American Enterprise Institute and occasional administration adviser. “We're not getting anywhere.”

Zhong, 63, rose to a cabinet-level post in Beijing in 2017 after running two state-owned companies and serving as vice governor of Zhejiang province when Xi was the top official there.

“Zhong is a hard-liner's hard-liner,” said former White House chief strategist Stephen K. Bannon, who remains close to several Trump advisers.

Zhong, who joined the Communist Party at age 18, is the second veteran trade official to be added to the Chinese team in recent weeks. In April, Yu Jianhua, one of China's most experienced trade negotiators and its ambassador to the United Nations Office in Geneva, returned to Beijing to bolster Liu's delegation.

Some China specialists said the Trump administration is over-reacting to a minor personnel move.

James Green, a senior trade official until earlier this year at the U.S. Embassy in Beijing, said Liu is in no danger of being upstaged by the commerce minister. Liu and Xi were childhood friends.

“Some folks in the White House, who may not have had the same deep level of experience in dealing with a wide range of Chinese interlocutors, may read too much into who's on a call,” said Green, a senior adviser at McLarty Associates. “All Chinese negotiators are on an incredibly short leash.”

Clete Willems of the law firm Akin Gump, who worked on trade talks in the White House until April, said Zhong's inclusion on the Chinese delegation could reflect internal Chinese bureaucratic politics.

Just as the U.S. team includes Lighthizer, who is intent on striking an ironclad accord, and Mnuchin, who is more sensitive to the effects of trade tensions on financial markets, Beijing has its own hawks and doves.

“If Xi wants a deal, he needs to have both sides bought in,” said Willems.

Though China's Commerce Ministry is generally regarded as supportive of trade links, Zhong is likely to fight fiercely to protect the country's commercial interests, according to Scott Kennedy, a senior adviser on China at the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

Chinese officials may be delaying any trade concessions until they see how Trump's G-20 change on Huawei's purchases from U.S. companies is implemented and how the administration reacts to continuing protests in Hong Kong, according to one Trump supporter who has been briefed by administration officials and spoke on the condition of anonymity because the person was not authorized to speak publicly.

The president in May signed an executive order that bars Huawei from supplying equipment for next-generation 5G communications networks in the United States, while the Commerce Department prohibited American companies from selling parts to the Chinese company without a government license, effectively blacklisting one of China's most prominent global corporations.

China may be prepared to wait Trump out because its economy, which slowed sharply last year, has stabilized thanks to government stimulus measures. The president's on-again, off-again tariff threats also have eroded the Chinese government’s faith in his ability to stick with any deal.

“The reality is that this likely means no deal for the foreseeable future,” said Kennedy. “China is no longer interested in reaching a big deal with Trump.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Robert Costa is a national political reporter for The Washington Post. He covers the White House, Congress, and campaigns. He joined The Post in January 2014. He is also the moderator of PBS's “Washington Week” and a political analyst for NBC News and MSNBC.

David J. Lynch joined The Washington Post in November 2017 from the Financial Times, where he covered white-collar crime. He was previously the cybersecurity editor at Politico and a senior writer with Bloomberg News, focusing on the intersection of politics and economics. Earlier, he followed the global economy for USA Today, where he was the founding bureau chief in both London and Beijing. He covered the wars in Kosovo and Iraq, the latter as an embedded reporter with the U.S. Marines, and was the paper's first recipient of a Nieman fellowship at Harvard University. He has reported from more than 60 countries.

https://www.washingtonpost.com/business/economy/trump-team-fears-new-face-on-china-trade-team-signals-tougher-stance/2019/07/10/5b6c24d2-a349-11e9-b732-41a79c2551bf_story.html
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« Reply #85 on: July 12, 2019, 07:13:36 pm »


from The New York Times…

A Koch Executive's Harassment in China Adds to Fears Among Visitors

Amid worsening trade tensions, an American businessman was barred for days from leaving,
in an apparent message to President Trump. Others worry they may be next.


By PAUL MOZUR, ALEXANDRA STEVENSON and EDWARD WONG | Thursday, July 11, 2019

Business executives, other frequent visitors to China and Washington officials have expressed increasing alarm over instances in which the Chinese authorities have detained or harassed Americans. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.
Business executives, other frequent visitors to China and Washington officials have expressed increasing alarm over instances in which the Chinese
authorities have detained or harassed Americans. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei/for The New York Times.


A KOCH INDUSTRIES EXECUTIVE was told he could not leave China. An ex-diplomat who helped organize a technology forum in Beijing was hassled by authorities who wanted to question him. An industry group developed contingency plans, in case its offices were raided and computer servers were seized.

Business executives, Washington D.C. officials and other frequent visitors to China who were interviewed by The New York Times expressed increasing alarm about the Chinese authorities' harassment of Americans by holding them for questioning and preventing them from leaving the country.

They worry that trade tensions between Washington and Beijing could turn businesspeople and former officials into potential targets. Some companies are reviewing or beefing up their plans in case one of their employees faces problems, three people said. Many of the more than a dozen people interviewed by The N.Y. Times asked for anonymity because they feared reprisals from the Chinese authorities.

“In a very not-so-subtle manner, the Chinese government has upped the ante by detaining Americans at the borders and at their hotels, and with the obvious intent to send a message to the Trump administration that they can engage in hostage diplomacy if push comes to shove,” said James Zimmerman, a partner in the Beijing office of the law firm Perkins Coie, which works with American companies in China.

“If they go in that direction, this would not be received well by the American business community, which puts at risk billions of dollars of investment in China,” he said.

The problems escalated after Canadian officials arrested an executive of Huawei, the Chinese technology giant, at the behest of American officials. China then detained a Canadian businessman and a former diplomat.

The fear spreading through the American business community highlights how fraught ties between the world's two largest economies have become. Though President Trump and China's president, Xi Jinping, have agreed to restart trade talks, which broke off in May, the two sides remain far apart on the most contentious issues.


President Trump and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, right, have agreed to restart trade talks, yet the two sides remain far apart on the most contentious issues. — Photograph: Erin Schaff/The New York Times.
President Trump and his Chinese counterpart, Xi Jinping, right, have agreed to restart trade talks, yet the two sides remain far apart
on the most contentious issues. — Photograph: Erin Schaff/The New York Times.


Chinese officials see the American trade stance as a threat to their country's economic future. By imposing tariffs on Chinese imports, the Trump administration is encouraging companies to shift their supply chains away from China. The administration has also threatened to withhold crucial American technology from some of China's most successful companies. China has had to look further afield to find ways to punch back, in part because it imports less from the United States.

The extent of the harassment is unknown, but several recent episodes are likely to add to the concerns. Companies that publicly discuss such problems in China could face punishment from the politicized court system, calls for boycotts in the state-run news media or other punishments meted out behind closed doors. Officials at China's Foreign Ministry and the Ministry of Public Security, its main police agency, did not respond to requests for comment.

Many American business figures still come and go without major incident. Elon Musk, the chief executive of the electric-car maker Tesla, was offered permanent residency by Li Keqiang, China's premier, after he visited China in January to open a factory.




Still, a number of recent run-ins with the authorities have prompted broader worries. In late June, one American industry group sent an email to its members detailing how it was trying to mitigate its own risks.

“Foreign staff in particular have reported a high level of anxiety about the current environment,” it said in the message, which was reviewed by The New York Times. It said it was “in the process of finalizing a detailed crisis plan to be used in the event that one of our offices is raided and/or one of our staff is detained.”

Those plans included a procedure if its servers were seized. It also said it had reviewed insurance policies to ensure that staff evacuations were covered, and it recommended that workers not travel to sensitive parts of China.

Washington officials continue to warn travelers that the Chinese authorities have blocked a number of Americans from leaving China, a practice known as exit bans. Many of those targeted are business people. Often they are naturalized American citizens who were born in China.

In some cases, the Chinese authorities use such bans to exert pressure on Americans who are members of the families of local officials, like the wife and children of Liu Changming, a former executive at state-owned bank accused of fraud. Huang Wan, the American daughter-in-law of Zhou Yongkang, a fallen former senior leader, has also publicly said she has been forbidden to leave.

In early June,  a Chinese-American executive at Koch Industries, the conglomerate owned by the conservative billionaire brothers David and Charles Koch, was told he could not leave the immediate vicinity of his hotel in southern China, according to three people with knowledge of the matter. He was then interrogated for multiple days, with the discussion hitting on the trade war and souring relations between the United States and China.

While the authorities told the man that he would not be allowed to leave China, they did not take his passport. After the State Department intervened, tensions subsided and he was able to fly out of the country, the people added.

Given some of the discussion, two of the people with knowledge of the episode involving the Koch Industries executive said they believed it was an attempt to send a message to Mr. Trump.

The Kochs have traditionally been major financial backers of Republicans, including Mike Pompeo, the secretary of state and a former Republican congressman from Kansas. Koch Industries also has big investments in China, where it employs more than 23,000 people. Last year, a Koch subsidiary said it would put more than $1 billion into a chemical plant in Shanghai.

But the Kochs, whose views are more libertarian than populist, have also criticized Mr. Trump's trade and immigration policies, prompting the president on Twitter to call them “a total joke in real Republican circles”.


Chinese leaders see American restrictions on companies like Huawei, the telecommunications giant, as an effort to hold back their country’s progress. — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times.
Chinese leaders see American restrictions on companies like Huawei, the telecommunications giant, as an effort to hold back their country’s progress.
 — Photograph: Lam Yik Fei for The New York Times.


In late June, the authorities tried to interrogate a former Beijing-based American diplomat, according to three people with knowledge of the incident. The former diplomat had been attending an artificial intelligence forum in Beijing, which he helped organize, when a hotel employee called his room on the night of June 25, saying that government security officers in the lobby wanted to speak with him. Alarmed, the former diplomat emailed the other American conference attendees, then went down.

Two plainclothes officers asked him to go with them to answer questions. They asked him about his diplomatic status and whether he had diplomatic immunity, the people said. They demanded to see his passport, which he refused to show.

The former diplomat called American Embassy officials. After a few senior diplomats arrived, the Chinese officers left, the people said.

Other run-ins create an atmosphere of intimidation. Early this year, a technology industry executive who has traveled to and worked in China for more than a decade without major incident encountered authorities in a smaller city in eastern China, according to an account from the person, who asked not to be identified publicly for fear of retaliation.

While the executive was traveling between meetings, a black car appeared to be following, often taking no precautions to disguise its presence. When the executive arrived at the airport to leave, a group of about six men with earpieces and bulletproof vests emerged from the car. One carried a visible sidearm, and another filmed the executive. Two of the men then followed the executive through security to the airport gate before the executive flew out.

As the trade war has intensified, China has tried to use American businesses to send a message to the Trump administration. It summoned American executives in June to warn them that they would suffer if they followed the administration's proposed ban on sales of American technology. Business people have taken new steps to reduce their profiles when traveling in China, including using burner phones and wiping laptops that may contain sensitive information, according to three people with knowledge of the matter.

Over all, that has led to growing nervousness among business people.

“A lot of Western businesses are not willing to speak up loudly because they think things could get worse,” said Peter Humphrey, a British private investigator who was imprisoned in China in 2013 while working for GlaxoSmithKline. Now living in Britain, he advises companies on security and business issues in China and says his clients face growing retaliation.

“I believe we are seeing the worst environment since the Cultural Revolution,” he added, “in terms of the extent to which people are under surveillance and control, and the extent to which people are punished.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Nicholas Confessore contributed reporting from New York.

Paul Mozur is a technology reporter based in Shanghai. Along with writing about Asia's biggest tech companies, he covers cybersecurity, emerging internet cultures, censorship and the intersection of geopolitics and technology in Asia. A Mandarin speaker, he was a reporter for The Wall Street Journal in China and Taiwan prior to joining The New York Times in 2014. He cut his teeth covering smuggling, wild boars and the courts for The Standard in Hong Kong, and got his start as an editorial assistant at The Far Eastern Economic Review.

Alexandra Stevenson is a business correspondent based in Hong Kong covering Chinese corporate giants, the changing landscape for multinational companies and China’s growing economic and financial influence in Asia. Before moving to Hong Kong, she covered the world of high finance and its darker corners, charting the influence of billionaire financiers in the markets and on the political stage for The New York Times in New York. She was a reporter for the Financial Times in New Delhi and London prior to joining The N.Y. Times in 2013. Originally from Canada, she has also lived in Thailand, Singapore, and China, where she got her start as a reporter.

Edward Wong is a diplomatic and international correspondent for The New York Times who reports on foreign policy from Washington. He has spent most of his career abroad, reporting for 13 years from China and Iraq for The N.Y. Times. As Beijing bureau chief, he ran The Times's largest overseas operation. He has filed dispatches from North Korea, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, Tibet, Nepal, Mongolia, Myanmar, Vietnam and Indonesia, among other places. He was on the final flight of the Concorde. Mr. Wong began reporting for The New York Times in 1999 and worked for four years on the metro, sports and business desks before going overseas. His first posting was to Iraq to cover the American invasion and civil war, from 2003 to 2007. He then reported from China for nine years. During that period, he also wrote stories on a trek on foot through the Wakhan Corridor of Afghanistan and a cruise to North Korea run by a state-owned enterprise based in Pyongyang. He was a Nieman Fellow at Harvard University from 2017 to 2018 and taught international reporting at Princeton University as a Ferris Professor of Journalism in 2017. He is an associate at Harvard Kennedy School’s Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs. Mr. Wong has appeared in documentary films by Laura Poitras and Vanessa Hope and produced his own short film on China. He has spoken on PBS NewsHour, NPR, BBC, CBC and ARTE. He has given talks at American universities on journalism, war and foreign policy. Mr. Wong received a Livingston Award for his coverage of the Iraq War and was on a team from The New York Times's Baghdad Bureau that was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize in international reporting. He has two awards from the Society of Publishers in Asia for coverage of China. He was on The N.Y. Times team that received an award for best documentary project from Pictures of the Year International for a series on global climate change migrants. The project was also nominated for an Emmy Award. He has a prize from the Associated Press Sports Editors. Mr. Wong graduated with honors from the University of Virginia with a bachelor’s degree in English literature. He has dual master’s degrees in journalism and international studies from the University of California at Berkeley. He has studied Mandarin Chinese at the Beijing Language and Culture University, Taiwan University and Middlebury College. He was born in Washington, D.C., and grew up in Alexandria, Virginia.

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/07/11/business/american-businesses-china.html
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Kiwithrottlejockey
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Having fun in the hills!


« Reply #86 on: July 15, 2019, 01:52:12 am »


In other words ... China is digging in the heels and telling Trump to “go fuck yourself!”

China KNOWS they are the rising world superpower whereas America is the waning world superpower, so why should China do what Trump wants?

Hence why China is playing hard-ball over trade.
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