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The “Trump” name is now POISON in New York City


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Author Topic: The “Trump” name is now POISON in New York City  (Read 80 times)
Kiwithrottlejockey
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« on: January 11, 2018, 03:31:52 pm »


from The New York Times....

‘Trump Place’ Asks if It Can Be Called by Any Other Name

The board of a Manhattan building bearing the president's name has asked a court
to protect its right to remove it, without facing a lawsuit in return.


By CHARLES V. BAGLI | Wednesday, January 10, 2018

A condominium in Manhattan known as 200 Riverside Boulevard at Trump Place would like to remove the president's name from the front of its building. — Photograph: Benjamin Norman/The New York Times .
A condominium in Manhattan known as 200 Riverside Boulevard at Trump Place would like to remove the president's name from the front of its building.
 — Photograph: Benjamin Norman/The New York Times .


MUST A New York City condominium forever bear the name T-R-U-M-P in large, brasslike letters? Or can it choose to take them down in favor, perhaps, of what a majority of residents believe is a more dignified name, 200 Riverside Boulevard, its simple street address?

That is the question before a State Supreme Court judge in Manhattan as part of a heated legal battle between the condominium's board and DJT Holdings, a corporate entity owned by President Trump.

There was a time in New York City and beyond when developers and businesses proudly emblazoned the Trump name on their residential buildings, hotels, steaks and water.

But since Mr. Trump was elected president, a small countertrend has emerged.

T-R-U-M-P letters have been peeled off three rental buildings also on Riverside Boulevard, as well as hotels in SoHo and Toronto. The Trump name was also excised from the now-defunct Taj Mahal casino on the Atlantic City boardwalk, but that happened at Mr. Trump's insistence.

The embattled condominium is part of a development that stretches from 59th to 72nd Street along the West Side, known variously as Riverside South and Trump Place. Mr. Trump bought the property, a former rail yard, in the 1980s, but with his business in distress, he ended up selling it to a group of Hong Kong billionaires who, with his help, developed it.

The Trump name was cemented in place by a four-page licensing agreement, signed in 2000. It described Mr. Trump as a “worldwide renowned builder and developer of real estate who enjoys the highest reputation in these fields among others,” but set only a modest value on the use of his name: $1. Not payable monthly or even annually, but $1 in total.

The name was not an issue until the presidential campaign in 2016 and Mr. Trump's subsequent election, when some residents began to object.

“I felt that he was way far right of my politics,” said Harvey Koeppel, who described himself as the first resident of the building. “I also felt he was dishonest. The way in which he conducted the campaign was, well, sixth-grade level would give him too much credit. I found him embarrassing.”

At three nearby rental buildings — 140, 160 and 180 Riverside Boulevard — the sentiment among tenants was so anti-Trump that the T-R-U-M-Ps on their buildings were removed before the president even took office.

A resident of 220 Riverside Boulevard, another condominium nearby, initiated a petition to remove the name from her building that garnered support from at least 57 homeowners and 24 renters in the building, although little came of it.

At 200 Riverside Boulevard, the board's residential committee conducted an anonymous survey of residents last February about whether to keep or remove the Trump name. The letter announcing the effort assured residents, in capital letters, that “THIS IS A BLIND SURVEY AND CANNOT BE TRACKED TO AN APARTMENT,” lest they be fearful of answering honestly.

“A majority was in favor” of removing the Trump letters, Mr. Koeppel, an independent management and technology consultant, recalled. He said a minority of residents had no issue with the letters, while others supported the president. Mr. Harvey and his wife, Peggy Koeppel, sold their 12th-floor apartment in July, after retiring and moving to the Hudson Valley, but not before they were forced to drop the price by 10 percent to secure a buyer.

Just before a meeting of unit owners to discuss the survey results, on March 29th, Alan Garten, the chief legal officer of the Trump Organization, sent a letter to the board saying that removal of the letters would constitute a “flagrant and material breach of the license agreement.”

Mr. Garten also said that many apartment owners had reached out to express “their grave concerns with the Board’s contemplated action.”

That cast a pall over the meeting, Mr. Koeppel said. “There was definitively a fear in the air.”

With a new board on its way in, a decision was delayed. Then, last week, the residential committee of the board asked the court to issue a declaratory judgment that the condominium has the right to use or remove the letters without violating its licensing agreement with Mr. Trump.

Under the licensing agreement, the committee acknowledges the board’s obligation “to maintain the building in a manner consistent with ‘super luxury’ condominiums in Manhattan.”

But, the committee said in its suit, the agreement “does not obligate the board to use or display identifications,” but rather “grants the board the right to use the identifications should the board choose to do so.”

The lawsuit was first reported by The New York Post.

Harry Lipman, a lawyer for the condominium, said that the committee “took no position on whether the signage should or should not be removed.”

“If we obtain the ruling,” he said in a statement, “the committee will give the unit owners the opportunity to express themselves through a fair and democratic vote on the issue without any threat of legal action by the licensor.”

That election is not a foregone conclusion, of course, but in the presidential election, Mr. Trump received just 64,929 votes in Manhattan, versus 579,013 for his opponent, Hillary Clinton.


• Charles Bagli has been a reporter at The New York Times for more than 20 years, covering the intersection of real estate and politics. He has worked at the Brooklyn Phoenix, the Tampa Tribune, Daily Record and the New York Observer. He is the author of Other People's Money; Inside the Housing Crisis and the Demise of the Greatest Real Estate Deal Ever Made.

__________________________________________________________________________

Related to this topic:

 • Final Nights at the Trump SoHo Before Trump Checks Out

 • Trump Won the Election, but 3 Manhattan Buildings Will Lose His Name

 • What's in a Name? When It's ‘Trump Place’, It's a Revolt


https://www.nytimes.com/2018/01/10/nyregion/trump-place-manhattan-lawsuit.html
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Kiwithrottlejockey
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« Reply #1 on: March 05, 2018, 01:06:30 pm »


It isn't just in New York City where the Trump name is poison.

In Panama City, the Trumps are accused of being leeches and blood-suckers.

To that I would add, LIARS, THIEVES, CROOKS and CON-ARTISTS.




from The New York Times....

Thugs, Leeches, Shouting and Shoving at Trump Hotel in Panama

The new owner of the Trump International Hotel in Panama City wants the Trump brand gone.
The president's family business refuses. The standoff has not been pretty.


By KIRK SEMPLE, BEN PROTESS and STEVE EDER | Saturday, March 03, 2018

The Trump International Hotel and Tower in Panama City. In recent days, guests have witnessed yelling and shoving matches involving security personnel, and the presence of police in Kevlar helmets. — Photograph: Rodrigo Arangua/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images.
The Trump International Hotel and Tower in Panama City. In recent days, guests have witnessed yelling and shoving matches involving security
personnel, and the presence of police in Kevlar helmets. — Photograph: Rodrigo Arangua/Agence France-Presse/Getty Images.


PANAMA The Trump International Hotel and Tower here is President Trump's only hotel property in Latin America. At 70 stories, it is the tallest building in Panama, offers sweeping views of Panama Bay and features five outdoor swimming pools. The rooms come with Trump branded bathrobes, stationery and mouthwash.

But in recent days, guests have witnessed a decidedly less glamorous side of the operation: Yelling and shoving matches involving security personnel and others, the presence of police in Kevlar helmets, and various interventions by Panamanian labor regulators, forensic specialists and a justice of the peace.

The source of the drama? The businessman who recently purchased a majority stake in the hotel wants the Trumps out. And the Trumps, who have a long-term contract to manage the property, are refusing to go.

In a letter marked “Private & Confidential” to the hotel's other owners, the businessman, Orestes Fintiklis, likened the Trumps to leeches who had attached to the property, “draining our last drops of blood,” according to a copy reviewed by The New York Times. He has also filed legal actions accusing the Trump family business, the Trump Organization, of mismanaging the hotel.

The Trump Organization, in turn, has accused Mr. Fintiklis of using “thug-like, mob-style tactics” in trying to force his way into the hotel's administrative offices, which prompted the physical and verbal altercations, and of engaging in a “fraudulent scheme” to strip the property of its Trump management and branding. Mr. Fintiklis's criticisms of the company's management “are a complete sham and a fraud,” the company said in a court filing.

This past week, Panama's Public Ministry said it was looking into whether there had been any “punishable conduct” in the dispute — which means that an arm of a foreign government finds itself in the extraordinary position of investigating a business owned by the American president.

Just seven years ago, at the hotel's grand opening, the president of Panama at the time joined Mr. Trump in extolling the property. Panama City was then awash with international investors and a booming economy, earning it the nickname, “Dubai of Latin America.”

Alan Garten, the Trump Organization's chief legal officer, said President Trump had no role in the current dispute. “This has absolutely nothing to do with the president of the United States,” he said. “It is purely a commercial dispute,” adding that “It is simply getting more attention, obviously.”


The businessman Orestes Fintiklis, center, with his lawyer, left, and a Labor Ministry investigator during an operation on Wednesday to verify that hotel employees were being paid. — Photograph: Carlos Lemos/Reuters.
The businessman Orestes Fintiklis, center, with his lawyer, left, and a Labor Ministry investigator during an operation on Wednesday to verify
that hotel employees were being paid. — Photograph: Carlos Lemos/Reuters.


All indications point to business not politics as the source of the tensions, and at any other moment, the Trump Organization and its army of lawyers might have relished this sort of pitched battle.

But the Panamanian misadventure has become the family business's biggest headache at a time when its founder is in the White House and every move and woe is magnified across the planet. The business is also showing other signs of receding: The Trump Organization last year agreed to buyout deals that removed the Trump name from once-prized properties in New York and Toronto.

With those stresses and strains, the company is reluctant to walk away from the Panama property and possibly invite other partners to challenge their agreements, according to people close to the company who spoke on the condition of anonymity.

The Trumps also believe that the law is on their side, according to their lawyers, who argue that their management agreement prevents Mr. Fintiklis from terminating the contract without an arbitrator's order. The contract to manage the hotel extends through 2031, and the Trumps say they want to stand behind their employees, several of whom Mr. Fintiklis has sought to fire, for the duration of the deal.

The dispute comes as the Trump's property — like many Panamanian hotels — is struggling.

The hotel lost over $1 million last year, according to the hotel's confidential financial documents reviewed by The N.Y. Times, after turning a gross operating profit of more than $800,000 in 2016. (The results are unaudited and may improve somewhat once they are finalized).

Mr. Fintiklis, 39, declined to comment, but he has made several notable — and provocative — appearances at the hotel in recent days. On one evening, following a verbal confrontation with Trump employees, he and his entourage of about a dozen people retired to the lobby and had pizza delivered from a restaurant on the property. Then Mr. Fintiklis played music from “Zorba the Greek” on the lobby's baby grand piano while his friends sang along.

Born in Cyprus, Mr. Fintiklis served as an officer in the country's military before studying law at Oxford University. He now lives in South Florida and runs his own investment firm, Ithaca Capital Partners.

“He's a very smart individual, and he worked with us for 10 years so he's very well trained,” said Pierre Charalambides, a co-founder of Dolphin Capital Partners, a real estate private equity firm where Mr. Fintiklis previously worked. “This battle with Trump, it fits him perfectly.”


The Trump Organization has accused Mr. Fintiklis of using “thug-like, mob-style tactics” to disrupt operations at the property, and of engaging in a “fraudulent scheme” to strip it of its Trump branding. — Photograph: Arnulfo Franco/Associated Press.
The Trump Organization has accused Mr. Fintiklis of using “thug-like, mob-style tactics” to disrupt operations at the property, and of engaging
in a “fraudulent scheme” to strip it of its Trump branding. — Photograph: Arnulfo Franco/Associated Press.


In 2017, Mr. Fintiklis agreed to buy 202 of the hotel's 369 units for about $25 million, making him the controlling owner of the hotel. The 70-story tower also includes a casino and a separate condominium development, which are not part of the dispute between the Trumps and Mr. Fintiklis.

The Trumps say they blessed the transaction, on the condition that Mr. Fintiklis not interfere with their management of the hotel.

When the purchase was finalized in August, the Trump-Fintiklis partnership initially seemed promising. Mr. Fintiklis hailed the hotel as “an iconic property” and said he looked forward to working with the Trumps.

But soon after closing on the purchase, he tried to remove them.

His campaign began in earnest in October. He arranged for the hotel's unit owners to meet — the Trumps say he falsely portrayed the session as a “meet and greet” — and it voted to declare the Trumps in default of their management agreement. The dispute soon spilled into the legal system, with Mr. Fintiklis seeking arbitration to remove the Trumps.

The Trumps say that the rapid-fire nature of Mr. Fintiklis's legal efforts show that he never intended to cooperate, and that he had been planning an attack from the get-go.

“We just want to run the hotel peacefully, and without interference,” said Mr. Garten, the Trump Organization lawyer. “But I look forward to litigating this, and have no doubt we will prevail.”

The president continues to own the company through a trust but has turned over day-to day management to his eldest sons, Donald Jr. and Eric.


Donald J. Trump inaugurated the Trump Ocean Club in 2011 with Ricardo Martinelli, center, then the president of Panama, and was accompanied by his sons Don and Eric. — Photograph: Agence France-Presse/Getty Images.
Donald J. Trump inaugurated the Trump Ocean Club in 2011 with Ricardo Martinelli, center, then the president of Panama, and was accompanied
by his sons Don and Eric. — Photograph: Agence France-Presse/ Getty Images.


More than a decade ago — long before Mr. Fintiklis came into the picture — the Trumps began their foray into Panama when they teamed up with the developer Roger Khafif and his firm, Newland International Properties, as well as another partner.

Newland signed an agreement with the Trump Organization, which would brand and manage the property. In a 2007 bond offering, Newland said the Trump name would be a boon to the project: “We benefit from the international prestige and name recognition associated with the Trump brand name.”

The project united the Trumps with influential political figures, including Ricardo Martinelli, the president of Panama at the time. “You're my friend. Great honor,” Mr. Trump said to the president at the grand opening in July 2011.

After his presidency, Mr. Martinelli fled to the United States in 2015 as Panamanian authorities opened an investigation into allegations of corruption and illegal surveillance. He is currently in the Federal Detention Center in Miami, fighting extradition.

During the 2008 financial crisis, the project encountered financial difficulties during the development phase. Newland defaulted on its debt soon after the building opened and later filed for bankruptcy.

When Mr. Fintiklis became majority owner last year, the hotel was struggling, a fact he soon blamed on the Trumps.

Withering in his criticism, he said in one court filing that “abysmal management” of the hotel, along with “material breaches” of its management contract and fiduciary duties, had “dramatically” driven down profits and the condition of the building. “The hotel has been virtually empty,” the filing said, a claim the Trumps dispute.

The Trump Organization declined to reveal the hotel's occupancy rates, but in a letter to hotel unit owners, the company argued that the hotel “continues to outperform the market by a wide margin,” despite a weakening hotel market in Panama. The Trumps say that Mr. Fintiklis was aware of the hotel's performance, and the broader hotel market woes, when he signed the deal.

A hotel building boom over the past decade has tripled the number of hotel rooms in the country, according to Armando Rodríguez, president of the Panamanian Hotel Association. During the same period, however, occupancy rates have steadily fallen — to about 47 percent last year from about double that rate in 2008, Mr. Rodríguez said.


The news media flocked to the hotel in February to cover the dispute. The Trump property — like many Panamanian hotels — is struggling financially. — Bienvenido Velasco/European Pressphoto Agency.
The news media flocked to the hotel in February to cover the dispute. The Trump property — like many Panamanian hotels — is struggling financially.
 — Bienvenido Velasco/European Pressphoto Agency.


Algerd Monstavicius, who bought one of the hotel's penthouses as an investment in 2007, four years before the building opened, said he had seen revenues from his unit plummet in the past year. He attributes the falloff in part to President Trump's hard-line stance on immigration and antipathy toward him across much of Latin America.

“The perception is: Trump is anti-Latino,” said Mr. Monstavicius, 78, a retired pathologist living in Incline Village, Nevada. “And that's reflected in the occupancy.”

Lawyers and executives from both sides of the dispute said the Panamanian government, at least so far, appeared to be showing no favoritism in either direction. At various times during the past week, delegations of government investigators and ministry officials, often accompanied by armed security forces, have spilled from the elevators into the hotel's elegant sky lobby, as perplexed hotel guests looked on.

As if the standoff were not bizarre enough, a number of apparent coincidences embellish the tale even further.

For one, Dolphin Capital Partners, where Mr. Fintiklis worked for 10 years, was founded in 2004 by a pair of investors who once worked at George Soros's real estate investment arm.

There is no evidence that Mr. Soros, a huge Democratic donor and critic of President Trump, played any role in the turmoil here, or that partisan American politics are a factor in the effort to remove the Trumps. Mr. Charalambides, the Dolphin co-founder, said his firm had no current business connection to Mr. Soros.

In addition, Mr. Fintiklis's New York lawyers operate out of 666 Fifth Avenue in Manhattan, the financially troubled office tower owned by the family of Jared Kushner, President Trump's son-in-law and senior adviser.

And Mr. Fintiklis filed the registration papers for his company, Ithaca Capital Partners, in Delaware on November 9, 2016 — the day after President Trump won the election.


__________________________________________________________________________

Kirk Semple reported from Panama City, and Ben Protess and Steve Eder from New York. Ana Graciela Méndez contributed reporting from Princeton, New Jersey, and Michael Forsythe from New York.

• Kirk Semple is a correspondent based in Mexico City and covering Mexico, Central America and the Caribbean. Since joining The New York Times in 2003, he has had various assignments on the Metro, National and International reporting staffs. He was a correspondent based in Baghdad from 2005-2007; was acting bureau chief at the United Nations and in Miami; and has reported from Afghanistan, China, Haiti, Iceland, Malaysia, South Korea and Thailand among other places. He was also an immigration reporter based in New York City. Before joining The N.Y. Times, Kirk was a freelance correspondent based in Bogotá, Colombia. Prior to that, he worked for Miami New Times in Miami; the Associated Press in Miami and New York City; and the Durham Morning Herald in Durham, North Carolina.

• Ben Protess covers the Trump Administration for The New York Times, including its overhaul of Obama-era regulations and potential conflicts of interest arising out of the president's personal business dealings. Since joining The N.Y. Times in 2010, he has covered white collar crime, Wall Street lobbying and was the co-author of a five-part investigation of the private equity industry and its expanding role in everyday American life.

• Steve Eder is an investigative reporter at The New York Times, where he is covering the the Trump Administration after writing in-depth articles about the candidates of the 2016 presidential campaign — from Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders to Jeb Bush and Donald Trump. He joined The N.Y. Times in 2012 in the sports department where he examined doping in baseball, domestic violence in the N.F.L., and Qatar's ambitions to become an international soccer power. Before coming to The Times, he covered hedge funds at The Wall Street Journal, where he later became a national legal correspondent. Earlier, he reported on Wall Street banks for Reuters in the aftermath of the financial crisis. Steve began his career at The Toledo Blade, where he was part of a reporting team that was a finalist for the Pulitzer Prize for Public Service for uncovering an investment scandal in Ohio state government. Steve is a Michigan native and graduate of Michigan State University.

__________________________________________________________________________

Related to this topic:

 • Tempers Flare as Panama Hotel Owners Try to Oust Trump Company

 • With Trump in the White House, the Family Business Takes It Down a Notch

 • Donald Trump's Ventures Began With a Lot of Hype. Here's How They Turned Out.


https://www.nytimes.com/2018/03/03/world/americas/donald-trump-panama-hotel-orestes-fintiklis.html
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« Reply #2 on: March 06, 2018, 07:32:36 am »

more trump derangement syndrome and more wet dreams from a stupid pea brain commie troll  Cheesy
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Are you sick of the bullshit from the sewer stream media spewed out from the usual Ken and Barby dickless talking point look a likes.

If you want to know what's going on in the real world...
And the many things that will personally effect you.
Go to
http://www.infowars.com/

AND WAKE THE F_ _K UP

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