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 41 
 on: September 03, 2019, 12:52:19 am 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey



 42 
 on: September 03, 2019, 12:43:45 am 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey



 43 
 on: September 03, 2019, 12:28:43 am 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey



 44 
 on: September 02, 2019, 08:30:23 pm 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey

Whatever...

China is still winning the trade war with Trump.

Fucking hilarious, eh?

 45 
 on: September 02, 2019, 08:29:39 pm 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey

So I take it from that piece of stupid diatribe that you support Britain's over-promoted rubber bath toy and his little gang of mastorbatory prefects”?

No suprising really ... after all, you are dumb enough to think the sun shines out of Donald J. Trump's arsehole.

Only people of low intelligence and general mental retardation cannot see through those two stupid clowns.

 46 
 on: September 02, 2019, 02:21:40 pm 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Im2Sexy4MyPants
it was funny when Hugh Grant got caught with black hooker in the US
but really who gives a fuck what he thinks

 47 
 on: September 02, 2019, 11:42:05 am 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Im2Sexy4MyPants
the truth about China they lie, rob and murder their people
China is bankrupted by its criminal elite it has a fake economy that's stuffed from mass money printing
China's leaders are robbing their slaves

they don't give a fuck about their people or climate change

China has the world record for mass murder


https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=4cwXifDaCjE

 48 
 on: September 01, 2019, 09:09:58 pm 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey

from The New York Times…

U.S.-China Trade War Hits a New Phase,
and a Boot Maker Trembles


A new wave of tariffs is about to hit companies, workers and consumers
on both sides of the Pacific. But Beijing thinks it can endure.


By RAYMOND ZHONG and KEITH BRADSHER | 12:14AM EDT — Sunday, September 01, 2019

Workers at Yong Du Shoes in Dongguan. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
Workers at Yong Du Shoes in Dongguan. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.

DONGGUAN, CHINA — Bruce Xu's factory in southern China produces just about the most all-American footwear there is: real leather cowboy boots, complete with generous heels and expressive stitching up the sides.

Lately, though, the trade war has made running an all-American business in China “a big headache, a big pain,” Mr. Xu says. And the pain, he acknowledges, is about to get worse.

Fourteen months into their trade war, the United States and China — plus the workers, consumers, factory owners and more who depend on commerce between the two nations — are about to face their biggest test yet.

On Sunday, the United States began charging a 15 percent tax on more than $100 billion worth of Chinese goods, Mr. Xu's boots included. This came in addition to the 25 percent tariffs President Trump had already imposed on $250 billion on everything from cars to aircraft parts from China. Those levies are going up to 30 percent in October.

Beijing retaliated with increased tariffs of its own on Sunday. Both governments have more scheduled for December.

The two sides, in other words, have settled in for a fight that could last beyond next year's American elections, no matter how punishing the consequences might be.

Mr. Trump believes the American economy is stronger than China's, despite hints of a coming recession in the United States, and so Beijing will have to give in.

China's leaders are betting that the Chinese economy, while slowing, is healthy enough to outlast Mr. Trump. They believe their own efforts to curb China's excessive lending, not the trade war, are holding the economy back, and if needed, they could suspend recent limits on debt to juice the economy again.

Chinese leaders are also increasingly pessimistic that they can reach a comprehensive deal with Mr. Trump, given his erratic negotiating style and new threats issued just a week ago.

Beijing, therefore, is showing no sign of backing down. It has taken steps to blunt the trade war's impact on consumers and companies, and hinted that it could use the value of its currency as a weapon to strike back, which could shake markets if it follows through.


Almost all Yong Du's leather cowboy boots, complete with generous heels and expressive stitching, are sold to the United States. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
Almost all Yong Du's leather cowboy boots, complete with generous heels and expressive stitching,
are sold to the United States. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.


Should the trade war seriously damage the Chinese economy, however, the world would lose its biggest single driver of economic growth in recent years. A lengthy tariff conflict might also force even more American companies to look for other places to set up their factories. That could be a complicated and expensive process that dents their productivity for years to come.

Both sides are considering ways to help businesses endure the fight. Mr. Trump has boosted aid to farmers and contemplated tax cuts. But thanks to the Chinese government's tight control over the economy, Beijing has more options, including dramatic steps such as flooding the financial system with money or ramping up government spending.

On Tuesday, the central government announced measures aimed at empowering the country's shoppers, including discounts for appliance purchases and a weakening of traffic-related restrictions on the sale of new cars. It is trying to find new markets for China's factories, including by trying to reach a trade deal covering most of eastern and southern Asia before November.

The government has also been trying to directly help small businesses slammed by both the trade war, which has hurt exports to the United States, and the debt reduction campaign, which has pinched lending. In May, Zhejiang Province in eastern China unveiled a $30 billion plan to cut taxes and regulatory costs for small businesses.

Still, signs of strain are not hard to find. In the city of Huzhou, in Zhejiang, local officials in December surveying the impact of the trade war found a company called Tianzhen Bamboo Flooring that was laying off workers and trying to open new markets in Europe and Canada. A person at the company who answered the phone this week as Ms. Zhang confirmed that some workers were cut, and that Tianzhen had not had much luck with new markets so far.

Whether China's strategy works will depend a lot on how business people like Mr. Xu weather the coming months.


The company has around 700 workers in Dongguan, an industrial city near Shenzhen and Hong Kong. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
The company has around 700 workers in Dongguan, an industrial city near Shenzhen and Hong Kong.
 — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.


Mr. Xu, 50, is the general manager at Yong Du Shoes, which produces 800,000 to a million pairs of cowboy boots a year. Pretty much all of them are sold to the United States.

The company has around 700 workers in Dongguan, an industrial city near Shenzhen and Hong Kong. Mr. Trump's tariffs are only one of many rising costs, including labor.

“Year after year after year after year, our profits have become thinner and thinner,” said Phillip Lee, 62, a consultant for Yong Du.

Even the weakening Chinese currency is a temporary balm, Mr. Lee said. The dollars that Yong Du earns from its American partners are now worth more in Chinese currency than they were before. But when the exchange rate shifts, overseas buyers quickly come asking to renegotiate their pricing agreements, Mr. Lee said.

“Customers are very fast,” he said. “They figure it out very quickly.”

That has left Yong Du with only a few unappealing options.

Laying off workers or trimming salaries would help. But with inflation in China already eating away at earnings, Mr. Lee said he had not been able to bring himself to that.

The company could try to sell its boots in Europe, but who would buy them? “There isn't that culture around cowboy boots in other countries,” Mr. Xu said.


Bruce Xu, 50, is the general manager at Yong Du Shoes, which produces 800,000 to a million pairs of cowboy boots a year. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.
Bruce Xu, 50, is the general manager at Yong Du Shoes, which produces 800,000 to a million
pairs of cowboy boots a year. — Photograph: Giulia Marchi/for The New York Times.


Yong Du could try producing more of its shoes outside of China — in Southeast Asia, for instance. Mr. Lee has helped run factories in Vietnam before, though, and the language barrier caused major problems. “Vietnam isn't so simple,” he said.

It would also be tough, Mr. Lee said, to find enough workers in Southeast Asia who are up to snuff. Many of the company's staff in Dongguan have more than a decade of shoe-making experience, he said.

Mostly, therefore, Yong Du Shoes will have to wait.

In half a year or so, when the company's American partners release new models of boots, they might be able charge higher prices to help offset the tariffs, Mr. Lee said. Even then, the companies will not likely want to raise prices on older models that are consistently strong sellers.

Mr. Lee said that Yong Du and its American partners had helped each other through tough times before. “We've worked together long enough that everybody is very familiar with each other,” he said.

“It's only because this problem came up all of a sudden that we're all having a hard time dealing with it,” Mr. Xu said.

Every year, Mr. Xu said, he travels to the United States to see customers. These visits have given him some sense of American cowboy culture, even if the whole thing still puzzles him somewhat.

“It's very strange,” he said, smiling. “They have horse-riding competitions and bull-riding competitions. People of all kinds take part. Foreigners' ways of thinking can be very strange.”


__________________________________________________________________________

Raymond Zhong reported from Dongguan and Keith Bradsher from Beijing. Ailin Tang contributed research from Dongguan.

Raymond Zhong joined The New York Times as a technology reporter in 2017. He was previously based in New Delhi for The Wall Street Journal, where he covered India's fast-moving economy and wrote about life at a busy Indian train station, avalanches and earthquakes in Nepal, the conflict in Kashmir and the surprising number of people in the Maldives who don't know how to swim.

Keith Bradsher is the Pulitzer Prize-winning Shanghai bureau chief for The New York Times, having reopened the Shanghai bureau on November 14th, 2016. He has previously served as the Hong Kong bureau chief and the Detroit bureau chief for The Times. Before those postings, he was a Washington correspondent for The Times covering the Federal Reserve and international trade, and a New York-based business reporter covering transportation and telecommunications for The Times. Born in 1964, Mr. Bradsher received a degree in economics from the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, where he was a Morehead Scholar. He received a master's degree in public policy with a concentration in economics from the Woodrow Wilson School at Princeton University. Prior to joining The New York Times, Mr. Bradsher wrote for the Los Angeles Times from 1987 until 1989.

• A version of this article appears in The New York Times on September 1, 2019, on page A8 of the New York print edition with the headline: “As New Tariffs Kick In, Not Even Cowboy Boots Made in China Are Safe”.

https://www.nytimes.com/2019/08/31/business/trump-china-tariffs.html

 49 
 on: September 01, 2019, 05:21:32 pm 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey



 50 
 on: September 01, 2019, 12:47:45 am 
Started by Kiwithrottlejockey - Last post by Kiwithrottlejockey

from The Washington Post…

Jim Mattis's dilemma is our problem

Stop pestering him to turn over the silver bullet he does not have.

By JENNIFER RUBIN | 9:00AM EDT — Friday, August 30, 2019

Then-Defense Secretary Jim Mattis at the White House on March 23, 2018. — Photograph: Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post.
Then-Defense Secretary Jim Mattis at the White House on March 23, 2018. — Photograph: Jabin Botsford/The Washington Post.

FORMER defense secretary Jim Mattis shared some thoughts with The Atlantic editor Jeffrey Goldberg, including an account of the compelling final scene of his time in the administration. (“‘You're going to have to get the next secretary of defense to lose to ISIS. I'm not going to do it’. He handed Trump his resignation letter, a letter that would soon become one of the most famous documents of the Trump presidency thus far.”)

Goldberg relays: “[Mattis's] aides and friends say he found the president to be of limited cognitive ability, and of generally dubious character.” From Mattis, we get not much beyond his resignation letter and general lessons on leadership.

Mattis explained to Goldberg his understanding of devoir de réserve:


Quote
The duty of silence. If you leave an administration, you owe some silence. When you leave an administration over clear policy differences, you need to give the people who are still there as much opportunity as possible to defend the country. They still have the responsibility of protecting this great big experiment of ours. I know the malevolence some people feel for this country, and we have to give the people who are protecting us some time to carry out their duties without me adding my criticism to the cacophony that is right now so poisonous.

Some Americans and many pundits will see his refusal to go beyond oblique criticism of President Trump as an abdication of his duty to warn the country, perhaps stemming from a misplaced loyalty that conflates the military chain of command with civilian service. (“You don't endanger the country by attacking the elected commander in chief,” he told Goldberg.) Others will say, as they did with another tight-lipped, straight-shooter, former special counsel Robert S. Mueller III, that you cannot get a man so determined to remain outside politics to act in a political fashion.

There are a few points worth considering here.

First, Mattis says his duty of silence doesn't last forever. We don't know whether he has a set timetable in mind (say, give Trump a year) or whether events (e.g., deployment of troops, a diplomatic crisis) may provoke him to speak up. I'd suggest, however, that if he plans on speaking up before the 2020 election, he should not wait too long or until a crisis is upon us. The public and our political system need time to come to terms with new facts, especially ones with huge political consequences.

Second, it's not clear that anything Mattis would say would make a difference. Trump and his cultists would dismiss anything Mattis says, and the rest know Trump is unfit, even crazy. It's not like we haven't witnessed Trump's manic conduct, brazen ignorance of facts, vindictiveness and lack of empathy.

Mattis knows our constitutional system as well as anyone and therefore understands that absent a personality and character transformation, Vice President Pence, Trump's Cabinet and his Senate allies aren't going to oust him by either the 25th Amendment or impeachment.

Third, those frustrated with Mattis and/or Mueller are aiming their fire in the wrong direction. Democrats, Republicans and independents need to challenge their fellow citizens who are still inclined to vote for him. Candidates for office, elected officials and other public figures have no shortage of evidence that would highlight Trump's unfitness. And we have no shortage of articulate and creative men and women to communicate in whatever medium they see fit. The problem is that a good chunk of the electorate is beyond persuasion. The solution then lies with the rest of the citizenry, which must rouse itself to vote Trump out. Mattis isn't in charge of the get-out-the-vote operation for 2020; that's up to the Democrats and all Americans.

We have no deus ex machina — not Mattis, not Mueller, not the 25th Amendment and not impeachment. We have “only” our democracy. If we cannot collectively figure out how to motivate people to vote Trump out, we might have reached the point at which we are incapable of rational self-governance. I don't think we are there yet. In the meantime, we should stop pestering Mattis to turn over the silver bullet he does not have.


__________________________________________________________________________

Jennifer Rubin writes reported opinion from a center-right perspective for The Washington Post. She covers a range of domestic and foreign policy issues and provides insight into the conservative movement, the Republican Party and threats to Western democracies. Rubin, who is also an MSNBC contributor, came to The Post after three years with Commentary magazine. Prior to her career in journalism, Rubin practiced labor law for two decades, an experience that informs and enriches her work. She is a mother of two sons and lives in Northern Virginia.

__________________________________________________________________________

Related to this topic:

 • VIDEO: Opinion | Impeachment and the 25th Amendment: Is it time yet?

 • Dennis Ross and Dana Stroul: The flaw in Trump's maximum pressure campaign toward Iran

 • Jennifer Rubin: Trump deserves impeachment quite apart from the Mueller report

 • Jennifer Rubin: When Trump's not lying, he sounds crazy

 • Jim Hoagland: Mattis endured a lot. Here's why this was the last straw.

 • Max Boot: Jim Mattis didn't believe in betraying allies. That's why he had to resign.


https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/2019/08/30/mattiss-dilemma-is-our-problem

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