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General Category => General Forum => Topic started by: Kiwithrottlejockey on September 10, 2014, 04:13:26 am

Title: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on September 10, 2014, 04:13:26 am

from the Los Angeles Times....

History of economic exploitation still hinders black Americans

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Tuesday, September 09, 2014

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20News%20Pix%202014/latimes_20140909dh_zpsedb039e0.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-540e7712/turbine/la-na-tt-history-hinders-black-americans-20140908)

NOW THAT the confrontation between outraged black protesters and heavily armed white police in Ferguson, Missouri, has subsided, most of America has moved on to other news. The police shooting of Michael Brown that sparked those protests did prompt a brief debate about the use of force by police in African American communities and the U.S. Justice Department has stepped in to investigate bias, bad policies and poor community relations in the local police departments. But, as concerning as deadly encounters between cops and black kids may be, they are just one symptom of a far deeper problem of race that Americans continue to evade.

Yes, it is true that the most overt forms of racial discrimination have been banished. A black family lives in the White House. Black celebrities and sports stars are widely admired, even beloved, by white Americans. Where, 40 years ago, African Americans were nearly absent from TV screens, now black actors take the lead in numerous popular television programs and black spokesmen are the public faces of insurance companies and other corporate advertisers who would not be doing such a thing if they thought it would lose them money.

Plenty of examples can be found to show that the country has changed, enabling thousands of individual black Americans to achieve great success. As a result, many — maybe most — whites believe racism is a problem that has been solved. When it is pointed out that a high percentage of blacks still lag far behind in household income and net worth, as well as in educational achievement, the not-always-unspoken assumption among many white people is that blacks just need to work harder, get off welfare and stop committing crimes.

That assumption betrays a woeful ignorance of history and economics.

All but the most unrepentant racist knows that slavery was evil and that the years of Jim Crow and segregation in the South were little better. But, not everyone recognizes how, though those wicked days are past, their negative effects linger and fester. The economic toll on black people during the long decades of oppression was staggering. Many immigrants — Irish, Italians, Chinese and others — came to this country and suffered discrimination, too. Eventually, though, doors opened for all of them and bias withered away. They, or their descendants, were able to take part in the economic life of this society and build wealth over time. For black Americans, that opportunity came very late, if it came at all. (Only Native Americans were as cut off from America’s ever-expanding riches.)

From the arrival of the first slaves in the 17th century until emancipation in the 1860s, most blacks not only had no economic opportunities, the fruits of their very hard labor were stolen from them by their slave masters. After the Civil War, most continued to be locked in servitude as sharecroppers and servants. They were cheated, they were robbed, they were marginalized, brutalized and lynched. Economic advancement was nearly impossible.

A great many Southern blacks moved north seeking a better deal. Some found it, but many also found they were blocked from getting better-paying jobs, from putting their children in the best schools and from buying homes, even in poor neighborhoods. The economic rules and the legal system were rigged against them.

The cost of this exploitation is almost incalculable in monetary terms. The extreme damage done to community life, however, is all too obvious. It is the same damage evidenced in any poor community, but compounded by generations of neglect: poor health, undermined family structures, inadequate education, underemployment, crime, addiction, incarceration and social alienation.

Year after year, America spends millions of dollars on cops and prisons to contain the worst manifestations of this legacy of discrimination, but never do we take on the burdens of the black community as a burden we all share. Of course, black Americans must do their part — and a great many are trying with all their might to break out of the cycle of violence, despair and economic insecurity in which they find themselves. But white Americans need to break out of the lazy smugness that allows them to ignore their own responsibility to their fellow citizens.

We are all in this together. It is long past time to face up to America’s greatest shame and spend the money, time and effort it will take to erase it once and for all.

Related political commentary from David Horsey:

 • Unsung civil rights heroes fought and died for our freedom (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-civil-rights-heroes-20140702-story.html)

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-history-hinders-black-americans-20140908-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-history-hinders-black-americans-20140908-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on September 13, 2014, 11:18:17 pm
History of economic exploitation still hinders all the people on the planet

Violence Against Whites


Race baiting by the mainstream ministry of propaganda some people call it news


Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on December 04, 2014, 10:22:58 pm

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/Cartoons%202014/20141205_NewDream_10873155sr_zps0af63397.jpg) (http://static2.stuff.co.nz/1417680497/155/10873155.jpg)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Yak on December 05, 2014, 08:20:06 am
It wouldn't matter if a black was tripping down the street firing bursts from a machine pistol and leaving a trail of dead and dying in his wake.  When the police take him down, a cry of police brutality will go up and blacks will demonstrate and riot in the streets for weeks.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on December 05, 2014, 11:05:19 am

from the Los Angeles Times....

Michael Brown is the imperfect focus of worthy protests

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PST - Thursday, November 04, 2014

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20News%20Pix%202014/latimes_20141204dh_zps24141d34.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-547ff9fb/turbine/la-na-tt-michael-brown-imperfect-20141203)

MY friend Michael Ramirez is the most successful conservative editorial cartoonist in America. He is a superb artist and a provocative political satirist. Ramirez’s recent cartoon about Michael Brown — the young man who came out on the bad end of a confrontation with a police officer in Ferguson, Missouri — shows just how provocative he is willing to be.

Ramirez drew a near-realistic portrait of Brown with a caption that reads, “The person responsible for the tragic death of Michael Brown.” The cartoon received a big spike in “likes” on Facebook and a bunch of comments on his website, mostly sympathetic to the view that Brown’s death was his own fault. One post in the comment string made a succinct case against the African American teenager who has become the focus of protests all across the country:

“In the last hour of Michael Brown's life we witnessed his total disregard for the rule of law. He strong-armed a storeowner and stole from him. He was observed by a police officer walking down the center of a street. He was witnessed pushing himself into a police vehicle and grabbing a police weapon and assaulting an officer of the law.”

That unappealing image of Michael Brown is very different from the media’s common shorthand description of the 6-foot-4 18-year-old: “An unarmed black boy.” The discrepancy has been noted, not just by white conservatives, but by some liberals who are not entirely comfortable with Brown being presented as a completely innocent victim who bore no responsibility for escalating a tense encounter with a cop.

The particulars of the Brown incident aside, though, the reality of toxic, deadly relations between police and black communities remain. It is a glaring symptom of a deep chasm at the heart of American life that goes unaddressed year after year. Dismissing Michael Brown as just another thug looking for trouble will not make it go away.

We will never know precisely what happened in the Brown incident — too many witnesses made too many conflicting claims — but we do have videos of other situations where police used extreme force and black males died. In the news right now is the case of Eric Garner, a middle-aged African American who was killed by a chokehold in July when New York City police were arresting him for allegedly selling cigarettes on the street. As in the case of the police officer who shot Michael Brown, a grand jury failed to come up with an indictment of the officer who may have been most responsible for Garner’s death.

There is also the awful incident in Cleveland on November 22nd, where Tamir Rice, a 12-year-old, was hanging out in a park, tossing snowballs and goofing around with a pellet gun. A surveillance video shows the boy being gunned down within two seconds after a police car raced into view, way before the cops could have made a full assessment of the situation.

Ramirez and the conservatives are right that changed behavior and personal responsibility could have altered some of the tragic interactions with police, but preaching about personal responsibility skirts the hard fact that centuries of racism have left a legacy of disenfranchisement, despair and anger that cannot be swept away by mere good manners. Instead of making it a national cause to do everything we can to bring these troubled communities fully into the American family, we have avoided our own personal responsibility to make our country more just and whole. We have passed the buck to police officers, expecting them to keep the lid on a boiling pot.

White Americans who look askance at the current street protests would be wrong to think it is all about Michael Brown. The Brown shooting was just a tipping point. Underlying the fury now on display in the streets is a simmering sense of injustice. It starts with the countless examples of indiscriminate police harassment suffered by even the most successful, economically integrated black males, from New Jersey Senator Cory Booker on down. It is also inflamed by incarceration run amok. Kentucky Senator Rand Paul — making a bold argument for a conservative — cites harsh drug laws and unequal justice for sending huge numbers of young black males to prison, permanently warping and wasting their lives. While blacks are 13% of the U.S. population, nearly 40% of inmates are black. Even if you believe every single one of those individuals deserves their punishment — a highly dubious assumption — it is a perverse phenomenon that blights poor neighborhoods and demands a remedy.

Instead of an occupying army of police, struggling African American communities need an army of teachers, job trainers, life counselors and willing employers. Building such an army should be at the top of our national agenda. It shouldn’t be a black versus white thing or a conservative versus liberal thing. Healing America should be our thing — every one of us.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-michael-brown-imperfect-20141203-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-michael-brown-imperfect-20141203-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on December 06, 2014, 01:10:12 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Is it about race? You bet it is

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PST - Friday, November 05, 2014

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20News%20Pix%202014/latimes_20141205dh_zps75a24667.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-54820093/turbine/la-na-tt-about-race-20141204)

FOR YEARS, it has been said that this country needs an honest discussion about race. Well, as a result of the uproar over recent deaths of black males at the hands of police, we may finally be getting it.

Protests on city streets from coast to coast have sparked heated exchanges in the media that are bringing into the light of day attitudes and perceptions that have long been kept in the shadows. Many white Americans are hearing for the first time something they should have known: African Americans in poorer neighborhoods — and in not-so-poor places as well — live with a distrust and fear of encounters with the police because so many of even the most law-abiding among them have had negative encounters with cops. And many black Americans are hearing something from white conservatives that is baffling: the assertion that “this is not about race.”

Only in the most narrow reading of the events that have captured the headlines in Ferguson, Missouri, New York City and Cleveland is it not about race. In Ferguson and in New York, individuals who appeared to be resisting arrest were killed by police and, in Cleveland, a person holding a pellet gun was shot and killed. They could have been white or Chinese or Eskimo; the cops were just doing their job — or so the argument goes.

But add a little context and race suddenly matters. Michael Brown, the teenager in Ferguson who got into an altercation with a cop; Eric Garner, the Staten Island man who allegedly was selling cigarettes on a street corner; and Tamir Rice, the Cleveland 12-year-old who was fiddling around with a pellet gun in a city park, are new numbers in federal statistics that, according to a ProPublica study, show young black males are 21 times more likely to be killed by police than young white males.

Put another way, if Brown, Garner and Rice had been white, their activities might have been much less likely to be met with deadly force.

That does not mean cops are intentionally targeting black males, but it does mean policing is quite often conducted at a different level in many black communities. One obvious reason for that is as clear as the difference between Compton and Beverly Hills: a starkly higher crime rate and gang violence. Cops go where the trouble is and, because they feel more endangered themselves, they may be quicker to ratchet up their own level of violence. It doesn’t take long before a wary police officer starts seeing a potential felon in every black face and starts treating the innocent as if they are guilty — and a deadly spiral begins.

Add another level of context: In these troubled communities incomes are lower, jobs are more scarce, business activity is more depressed, schools are not as good, two-parent families are more rare. That present-day social malaise is not just the result of bad personal choices, it is the legacy of many long decades of racial discrimination and political neglect.

Imagine if black veterans of World War I and World War II had been welcomed home as heroes instead of being dishonored and cast back into a world of segregation, lynching and redlining. Perhaps their grandchildren and great-grandchildren would not have grown up estranged from the center of American life. Imagine if the black men and women who migrated from the South in the 1930s and '40s had been allowed to buy homes in good neighborhoods on fair terms and if career ladders had not been cut off at the first rungs. They would have had the chance to amass a small share of personal wealth, just like white Americans were able to do, and, as a result, their descendants might not now be struggling with economic insecurity.

Yes, huge progress has been made; that is undeniable. Slavery is long gone, Jim Crow is dead and a black family resides in the White House. Yet a significant number of black citizens still experience life in America very differently than most white Americans. Is that about race? You bet it is — and it is good we are finally talking about it.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-about-race-20141204-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-about-race-20141204-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Yak on December 06, 2014, 09:12:37 pm
(http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v231/Ash01/Police/Nofear_zps503698fe.jpg) (http://smg.photobucket.com/user/Ash01/media/Police/Nofear_zps503698fe.jpg.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: reality on December 06, 2014, 11:50:04 pm
hahahaha...yes she should ;)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on December 08, 2014, 08:24:18 am


Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on March 05, 2015, 11:18:40 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Tea Party legislators oppose teaching complexities of U.S. history

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PST - Friday, February 27, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150227dh_zpsh7ssydg8.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-54f03181/turbine/la-na-tt-legislators-oppose-us-history-20150227)

THE burgeoning ranks of Tea Party “patriots” who have gotten themselves elected to Congress and state legislatures have identified yet another threat to the soul of America: Advanced Placement U.S. history guidelines.

Republican legislators in Oklahoma, Texas, Georgia, Nebraska, North Carolina and Tennessee are raising an alarm about a new framework for teaching AP U.S. history to American high school students. They say it fails to instill patriotism and an appreciation for American exceptionalism and, instead, puts too much emphasis on race, gender and class. A resolution approved by the Republican National Committee last summer declared that the framework “reflects a radically revisionist view of American history that emphasizes negative aspects while omitting or minimizing the positive.”

The College Board came up with the revised outline to guide teachers who are preparing students for the AP history test that will earn them college credits before they leave high school. According to the College Board, critics are misconstruing what the framework is meant to do. It is essentially an outline hitting main topic points that teachers can enhance in any way they wish.

But conservative legislators who are always energized by hints of left-wing subversion, whether real or imagined, choose to read the framework very differently — if they read it at all, that is. It’s a safe bet that 99% of the riled-up lawmakers who want to run this AP history course out of their state’s classrooms have never even looked at the framework; they’ve just seen talking points or picked up their information from a Rush Limbaugh rant.

Well, I have actually taken the time to read through the framework and I can see why these folks are so upset. It’s not that the rundown of American history from 1491 to the present day is inaccurate. To the contrary, it is a comprehensive, factual account of the social and political development of this nation over five centuries. But it ain’t your grandparents version of the story and that is what the critics do not like.

Most of us were taught what was, essentially, a history of great men. We learned about Columbus, Washington, Jefferson, Lincoln, Grant and Lee and got the idea everything of importance that happened was done by them. Those men are still in the mix, but the new history is also told from the viewpoint of common laborers, immigrants, slaves, Native Americans and women and that does, indeed, put a different slant on things.

Those who do not like the AP framework complain there is too much attention paid to slavery and race, even though slavery and the racist Jim Crow era that followed the Civil War pervaded and warped the politics of the nation and nearly destroyed the republic. Some object to mentioning the internment of Japanese Americans during World War II, believing it undercuts the glorious narrative of American boys crossing two oceans to defeat Nazi Germany and Imperial Japan. And they are not especially happy about the AP course telling students that progressives at the turn of the last century did some good things, such as protecting the environment, eliminating child labor and curbing the destructive greed of giant corporate monopolies.

The old history we grew up with told kids about Teddy Roosevelt charging up San Juan Hill during the Spanish-American War but neglected to mention the nasty guerrilla war that followed when the United States, after kicking out the Spanish colonialists, turned the Philippines into an American vassal state. The old history told about the Oregon Trail but never noted the fact that Oregon’s 1859 constitution barred black people from living in the state — something that was not changed until 1926. For a long time, the old history clung to the myth of young George Washington chopping down the cherry tree. We never heard the true story of Ona Judge, Martha Washington’s slave who ran away to freedom when she heard the first first lady was preparing to give her away as a wedding gift.

I do not think Ona Judge gets a mention in the new AP framework either, but at least the updated history teaches that there is much more to the story of America than the achievements of famous white men. It is not just smart high school kids who could benefit from a deeper understanding of our exceptional history, all of us could — simplistic, reactionary state legislators most of all.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-legislators-oppose-us-history-20150227-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-legislators-oppose-us-history-20150227-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on March 05, 2015, 11:19:32 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

The Road to Selma: Remembering the stories of true American heroes

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PST - Tuesday, March 03, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150303dh_zpsclfvpj34.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-54f55d71/turbine/la-na-tt-road-to-selma-20150302)

ON March 7th, 1965, Charles Mauldin was a black teenager standing in the front ranks of civil rights marchers who crossed Selma’s Edmund Pettus Bridge only to be met by a phalanx of police and deputized members of the Ku Klux Klan who violently pushed them back. Mauldin remembers clambering down from the bridge to reach the river below and escape from the swinging clubs, the deputies charging on horseback, the guns and the clouds of tear gas.

Next weekend, Mauldin will return to the bridge in very different circumstances. He will be among tens of thousands of other celebrants, including President Obama, Bill Clinton, George W. Bush and a host of senators and House members, all gathered to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the Selma march. The events surrounding what is now called Bloody Sunday have already been brought back to national attention by the Academy Award-nominated film “Selma” and by “Glory”, the Oscar-winning song from the movie written and performed by Common and John Legend. But there is nothing like hearing about history from the men and women who paid a steep price to live through it.

I had the privilege of meeting Charles Mauldin on Saturday night in a performing arts center at the University of Alabama in Tuscaloosa when he spoke with a group of 52 students, faculty and a diverse group of older adults representing my alma mater, the University of Washington, as well as two other schools, Bellevue College and Utah State University. I am part of that group — 52 Strong, as we call ourselves — riding a bus together on a nine-day civil rights pilgrimage through Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi and Arkansas that will climax with the mass gathering in Selma.

Throughout the week, I will provide some insights into an important story that is not properly remembered. It is a hugely vital part of American history that could slip from our collective national memory as the people who lived through those times half a century ago pass from among us.

Mauldin was the first of many veterans of the civil rights movement who will be telling their stories to our group. He talked about growing up in an Alabama where black men were faced every day of their lives with a horrible choice: when confronted by white authority figures who sought to harass or humiliate or even do harm, a black man could “either stand up like a man or do nothing and live to raise a family.”

Mauldin recalled that, in those times, black people were not only denied the vote, they were denied more prosaic rights; the right to sit at a lunch counter, to take any seat on a bus, to drink from the same water fountain as whites, to try on clothes and shoes at a store, to look a white person in the eye. And he recalled the sickening sound of a policeman’s club crushing down on the skull of non-violent people trying to exercise their right to assemble and walk to their state capital and petition their government.

It may seem as though those bleak aspects of Southern segregation and Jim Crow are so familiar that it is not a remarkable or necessary thing to recount them, but, as I learned in a discussion circle after Mauldin finished his presentation, history is only one generation away from being forgotten.

The several black University of Alabama students I talked with all said their grandparents who lived through the dark days of segregation never talked about it, never shared their stories with their grandchildren. They had buried away the pain and shame they experienced and were not eager to dig it up again. The students also told me the history of Alabama they were taught at school was sketchy and sanitized. Yes, they heard about Rosa Parks and Martin Luther King Jr., but not very much about the horrific social conditions that caused people such as Parks and King to stand up and say, “No more!”

To my surprise, Mauldin said that evening in Tuscaloosa was the first occasion he had been so public about his own story. Until now, the experiences seemed too troubling to recount, he said, but he had come to realize those memories were too important not to share.

The next day, our bus rolled on to Montgomery, the state capital. Montgomery boasts that it is the most historical city in America; the place where the Confederacy was born in 1861 and where the Selma march finally reached its conclusion in 1965. The town is full of tributes to the Confederate past, but when local people wanted to put up markers taking note of Montgomery’s history as the center of the Southern slave trade, they had to overcome resistance from business leaders, city officials and the Alabama Historical Commission. Some people, apparently, have a preference for historical amnesia.

One of the most infamous moments in the city’s history came in May 1961 when the Freedom Riders rolled into town. These were groups of young men and women — mostly students, both black and white, all trained in nonviolence — who rode buses into the heart of Dixie, challenging segregation of the bus stations. In Montgomery, they were met by a violent mob of whites who, led by the KKK and given a green light by city police, savagely attacked the non-violent riders.

The old Greyhound station where this incident occurred has been turned into small museum dedicated to the Freedom Riders. It’s a fine example of historic preservation and public education, yet state support has dwindled. Thanks to that official neglect, the museum may be shut down permanently after all the Selma hoopla recedes.

On a sign outside the museum there are these words: “This building stands as a testament to 438 ordinary people who did an extraordinary thing. They risked their lives and their freedom to bring justice to our nation.”

That gets to the heart of why the museum needs to stay open, why historical markers need to be erected, why schoolbooks need to tell a fuller story and why memories must be shared. The 438 and the thousands of others who took part in the civil rights movement were, indeed, mostly ordinary people showing extraordinary courage. Not since 1776 have there been patriots any more important to the fulfillment of the American claim of liberty and justice for all. And the fact that so many of these heroes are still alive and with us makes it crucial that we listen to their stories while they are with us.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-road-to-selma-20150302-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-road-to-selma-20150302-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on March 05, 2015, 11:19:51 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

The road to Selma: Crime scenes all over the map

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PST - Wednesday, March 04, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150304dh_zpsw9eparsf.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-54f70c80/turbine/la-na-tt-crime-scenes-20150303)

THE itinerary of a civil rights tour is essentially a long list of crime scenes.

The crime scenes are everywhere, from the trees where blacks were lynched and the avenues where enslaved people were marched from riverboats to auction blocks, to the countless dots on the map of the South where brave dissenters and utter innocents were beaten or killed with fists, boots, baseball bats or guns. Very, very few of the criminals who perpetrated these crimes were ever brought to justice because local and state governments and the courts were on their side.

On Monday, our busload of 52 civil rights pilgrims arrived in Birmingham, Alabama, a city once known as “Bombingham”. In the 1950s and ‘60s, it was the place where the hardest lines of segregation were drawn and violence was commonplace. It was the city where fire hoses were trained on black boys and girls and attack dogs were loosed on peaceful demonstrators. And it was where, on one Sabbath morning in 1963, a terrorist’s bomb placed at the 16th Street Baptist Church killed four black girls who were straightening their dresses and checking their hair in preparation for Sunday school.

Earlier in Montgomery, the Alabama capital, we had met Georgette Norman, a dynamic, eloquent black woman who recently retired as director of the city’s Rosa Parks Museum. When she talked about how things used to be, she was blunt.

“I grew up in a world of state-sponsored terrorism,” Norman said to us after we dined on Southern food at Martha’s Place Buffet. In her opinion, the country has not really come to terms with the pervasiveness of that terrorism nor with the chronic social and economic after-effects that are still with us. After September 11, Americans are all too cognizant of the terror that has come from outside our borders, says Norman, but “we have yet to claim the terror within”.

Bernard Lafayette, who faced that terror very directly, talked to us at the museum housed in the former Montgomery Greyhound bus station, the site where a white mob viciously attacked nonviolent Freedom Riders in 1961. Lafayette was one of those riders. He recalled the searing moment when members of the mob turned on him and broke three of his ribs while white women across the street, holding babies in their arms, shrieked their encouragement.

At the state Capitol, our tour guide, Aroine Irby, a retired Air Force colonel, went off script as he showed us around the portico where Jefferson Davis was inaugurated president of the Confederate States of America. As a young man half a century ago, Irby said, he had joined the march from Selma to Montgomery and was walking beside a woman and her four children at the moment she was gunned down by a shooter hiding somewhere in the thicket.

When Tuesday came in cold, wet and gray, we were in Little Rock, Arkansas. There, at Central High School, we stood on the street where federal troops were arrayed in 1957 to protect the school’s first nine black students from a racist mob and where, in the hallways, classrooms and cafeteria, no troops shielded those students from the daily harassment inflicted by many of their white classmates. By sunset, we arrived in Memphis, Tenn., at one of the most iconic civil rights crime scenes of all: the Lorraine Motel, where the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. was assassinated on April 4th, 1968.

On our way to the motel, which, like the Montgomery bus station, has now been turned into a large museum piece, we stopped at the Mason Temple, headquarters of the Church of God in Christ. It was in the temple’s vast auditorium that King gave the last speech of his life. Bob Zellner joined us there. A lifelong civil rights activist and one of the first white members of the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Zellner was close enough to King to spend time with him in jail. He knew the man as something more than the legend.

“Dr. King was one of the sweetest, most approachable people you could know,” Zellner said. “That someone could shoot him like a deer is still unbelievable to me.”

But, perhaps, not really so unbelievable — certainly not to Zellner, who was nearly killed himself by a furious mob and lost many compatriots who were not as fortunate when they crossed the paths of racist murderers. King had become the most prominent enemy of the system that had created generations of domestic terrorists. If little girls could be murdered, then why not this one pre-eminently dangerous man, Martin Luther King?

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-crime-scenes-20150303-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-crime-scenes-20150303-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on March 06, 2015, 11:36:57 am

from the Los Angeles Times....

The road to Selma: Mississippi Delta locked in poverty of the past

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PST - Thursday, March 05, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150305dh_zpsb9a6tvsb.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-54f80f81/turbine/la-na-tt-mississippi-delta-20150304)

MISSISSIPPI has been called “the South of the South” — a place even more poor, more racially segregated and more violent than the rest of the region — and the Mississippi Delta has been called “the Mississippi of Mississippi”.

On this winter Wednesday, the Delta looks especially bleak. Rain streaks the windows of the bus as 51 civil rights pilgrims and I continue our meandering journey toward Selma. The sky is as gray as a tin roof. Creeks and rivers are swollen. Fallow fields are puddled and ringed by leafless, black trees.

In Greenwood, we make a stop at the spot where Stokely Carmichael, head of the Student Non-violent Coordinating Committee, gave his pivotal “Black Power” speech on July 28th, 1966, and prodded the civil rights struggle away from Martin Luther King Jr.’s inclusive, nonviolent path. There is not much black power in Greenwood today. The roadside sign marking the site of Carmichael's speech is in the black section of town. The surrounding houses are just a small step above shacks, needy of paint and repairs. Old storefronts stand empty.

At a railroad crossing, we wait for the train they call the City of New Orleans (http://www.amtrak.com/city-of-new-orleans-train) to pass by, then cross to Greenwood’s modest business district. Over a bridge beyond, we enter the town’s white neighborhood and find large, well-kept houses with antebellum columns and vast lawns. The economic contrast and the racial divide is stark.

Greenwood is where the movie “The Help” was shot. For that story about affluent Southern white women and their black maids in the early 1960s, the production company found the perfect location. They did not need to change much in Greenwood to achieve an authentic look.

Crossing the Tallahatchie Bridge, I give a mental nod to country music’s most prominent fictional suicide, Billie Joe McAllister. From there, the bus moves along Money Road, a bumpy two-lane highway down which a 14-year-old Chicago kid named Emmett Till was traveling with his cousins back on August 24th, 1955. Within a few miles, our bus pulls up at the shell of the Bryant Grocery and Meat Market where Till stopped on that fateful day to buy candy.

The store’s roof is now caved in. Dry, twisted vines snake across crumbling brick walls. Back in '55, the grocery was intact and in business when Till went inside. The white woman at the counter claimed the black boy from Chicago aggressively flirted with her. That was when she later testified in court. Other witnesses refuted that. Whether he did or not, the alleged offense was enough to get him killed in the Mississippi Delta back then.

In the middle of the night a few days after the store encounter, Till was kidnapped from his uncle’s home. Three days after that, his dead body was found by two boys fishing in the Tallahatchie River. Two white men were put on trial for the murder. An all-male, all-white jury found them not guilty. After the trial, the two confessed their guilt in Look magazine. The murder shocked the country and gave a kick start to the civil rights movement that finally curbed centuries of unpunished violence against blacks.

Along the Money Road we pass sharecroppers’ shacks that have been transformed into pleasant guest cabins with soft beds, Wi-Fi and cable. In the days of Jim Crow, those shacks were far from luxurious. The black families who lived inside those thin wooden walls were kept on a subsistence income by the white plantation owners as a means of keeping them in economic bondage — slavery by another name.

Perhaps it is a sign of progress that sharecroppers’ shacks have become cozy vacation housing for tourists, but the poverty that continues to plague the black citizens of the Mississippi Delta testifies there is still a long way to go in this neglected corner of America.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-mississippi-delta-20150304-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-mississippi-delta-20150304-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: reality on March 06, 2015, 03:03:03 pm
Yes racism in America must be stopped...and also among rail workers in NZ😜

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on March 08, 2015, 03:32:33 am

from the Los Angeles Times....

The Road to Selma: Bob Zellner and the war for justice

By DAVID HORSEY | 4:30PM PST - Friday, March 06, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150306dh_zpsnxkra7ma.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-54fa41d0/turbine/la-na-tt-bob-zellner-20150306)

TOMORROW, Selma will greet the president, the dignitaries, the Civil Rights Movement survivors and various politicians hoping to grab a little notoriety in the midst of the 50th anniversary commemoration of “Bloody Sunday”. As they all gather and speechify, they will extol the heroism and sacrifice of the movement’s leaders and many foot soldiers.

Standing up there with President Obama will be one foot soldier who quickly grew into a leader, Bob Zellner. He may be 75 years old, but he is nowhere close to retiring. This white, Southern, self-described radical is still teaching, organizing and carrying on with the cause of bringing social change through nonviolent action.

Zellner has been riding on the “52 Strong” pilgrimage bus with us for the last couple of days. He is a jovial, sweet-tempered man; as wise, warm and welcoming as your favorite grandfather. When he describes the many times he was imprisoned or nearly killed, he does it with a laugh in his voice. Only when he speaks of the activist friends who were murdered along the way do his eyes fill with tears.

On Thursday, our group was stuck for much of the day at a hotel in Granada, Mississipi, thanks to the snow and ice that hit the region overnight. Luckily, we had Zellner to gather around. We asked a lot of questions and he shared his eyewitness insights into life on the front lines of the civil rights struggle.

Much of the time, as Zellner described it, it truly was a war zone, with heavy casualties and a relentless enemy. While the redneck cops and Ku Klux Klansmen had guns, cattle prods and clubs, Zellner’s side had only the power of their training in non-violence and a willingness to sacrifice their lives to win African Americans the right to vote and live like free Americans. Zellner said he and his troops survived on prayer, singing and humor — humor in even the ugliest, vermin-infested prison cells.

One thing Zellner sees as too ironically amusing is the way his friend Martin Luther King Jr. has been co-opted by the heirs of the 1960s right-wingers who demonized King when he was alive. As King has been turned into a secular saint, Zellner said, his message has been simplified into a comfortably bland philosophy of peace and brotherhood. When conservatives like Glenn Beck lay claim to King’s legacy, he said, it is a cynical act.

“He was a radical,” Zellner insists. “He called it a revolution. His plan was to get poor people and working people together with strong leadership. … To say that ‘St. Martin Luther King’ is the same as the real Martin Luther King is laughable.”

We talked with Zellner for a couple of hours. By then, the sun had come out, the ice cleared and we all got aboard our bus. By evening we at last arrived in Selma.

At the Tabernacle Baptist Church, a mass meeting was just getting started. The crowd was spilling out the doors, but we wedged into the sanctuary any way we could. A choir was performing a rendition of “Abraham, Martin and John”, the classic tribute to America’s most famous victims of assassination, but, in this version, the names of the fallen were not Lincoln and Kennedy; they were the names of martyrs of the civil rights struggle. Martin — Dr. King — was the last name sung. By then, everyone in the packed hall was singing along and the voices transitioned smoothly into “We Shall Overcome”.

It was a moment of sudden uplift after all the miles spent on a winding path through sites of tragedy and violence. I noticed Bob Zellner had moved up to the front, singing with passion. A few minutes later, when the songs were done, the old Freedom Rider Bernard Lafayette stepped up to the pulpit, looked down and saw his old comrade, Zellner, packed in with the young people sitting on the floor.

“Is that you, Bob?” Lafayette said. “I remember when Bob joined SNCC — he got arrested the first day.”

Of course he did. And he appears perfectly ready to get arrested again, if need be. But, first, he has a date with the president.

Late Friday morning, before he left us to go link up with the big shots, Zellner led us as we walked in silence, two-by-two, across the Edmund Pettus Bridge in the steps of the marchers on Bloody Sunday. It was good to make the crossing before the arrival of the huge crowds on the weekend. We had the bridge walkway to ourselves. The tingle of history was palpable. Passing under the bridge was the wide, brown water of the Alabama River — a river once used to ship enslaved people and spanned by a bridge named for a Confederate general and alleged Grand Dragon of the KKK.

We summited the steep rise of the bridge. That is the point where the marchers a half-century ago first saw the line of police and deputized white men eager for bloodshed arrayed across the highway. This day, there was just local traffic and sunshine, but as I scanned the four lanes of the bridge, my mind’s eye blinked on the image of frantic, retreating marchers in a shroud of tear gas being beaten by vigilantes’ clubs and run down by cops on horses.

In the park on other end of the bridge we gathered around Zellner, the grandson and son of KKK members, who has spent a lifetime fighting racist violence and entrenched forms of discrimination. Smiling, he told us not to let the experience of crossing the bridge weigh too heavily. That message was aimed particularly at the students in our group — black, white, Asian, Latino and racially mixed — who have done plenty of hard, emotional work in the last few days to mesh all this harsh history with their own life experiences.

Zellner left with a gentle admonition: Make your lives about something that you are willing to sacrifice and even die for.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-bob-zellner-20150306-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-bob-zellner-20150306-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on March 11, 2015, 01:08:55 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

The road to Selma: Where do we go from here?

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Tuesday, March 10, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150310dh_zpsqbteuazt.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-54fe7c99/turbine/la-na-tt-where-do-we-go-20150309)

THE 50th anniversary marches and speeches are over. The celebrities and crowds have gone, and Selma is left to sink back into the neglect that keeps its citizens among the poorest in the nation. So, where do we go from here?

That is a question, not just for the university students and elder mentors with whom I have been traveling on a civil rights pilgrimage through the Deep South. It is a question for the current incarnation of the movement that reached a high-water mark with the 1965 Selma marches and the passage of the Voting Rights Act. And it is a question for every American who claims to love this country.

During the mass meeting held at Selma’s Tabernacle Baptist Church, the question of where to go next was very much on the agenda. Addressing a crowd packed to the back of the balcony and spilling into the basement and out the church doors, the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.’s daughter, Bernice A. King, made the crucial point that her father did not do all the work nor bring change all by himself. “My father was a leader among leaders,” she said. And just as in the 1960s, grass-roots activism with a sophisticated strategy is essential today.

King quoted her dad, saying, “A movement that moves people is just a revolt; a movement that moves institutions is a revolution.”

A new leader in the civil rights movement, the Rev. William Barber II, president of the North Carolina NAACP, brought the meeting to a climax with his declaration that tea party conservatives and politicians who cut funding for education and food stamps while giving big tax breaks for the wealthy 1% of Americans were not guilty of mere misguided politics. “It’s sin!” he thundered.

“We came to commit ourselves back to the movement,” Barber said. “If those before us were willing to die, then before I’ll be a slave I’ll be buried in my grave!”

During the mass meeting, the election of an African American president was noted as significant, but there was scant praise for the president himself. Up to the last hours before the anniversary events began, local organizers bickered with planners on the national level. Obama's decision to come to Selma on Saturday instead of Sunday, the day previous march re-enactments have been held, meant he was creating a big disruption in a busy program of workshops and seminars that local organizers had planned.

There was no lack of love for the president on Saturday, though. Tens of thousands jammed Selma’s Broad Street and waited as long as six hours to hear him speak. To that mostly black crowd, Obama is their president. There may be more Hawaii than Alabama in his no-drama style, but they see him as one of their own.

After the speech, my wife and I were sitting on a curb, watching the happy crowd stroll toward rows of vendors selling T-shirts and barbecue. We got into a conversation with a man who was also sitting on the street, waiting for his wife to bring some ice cream. The man said he had listened closely to all of Obama’s speeches and thought this one (http://time.com/3736357/barack-obama-selma-speech-transcript) would be remembered in history books.

He could be right, both because of the significance of the day and because the president’s eloquent words went beyond his usual careful conciliation. Obama castigated those who discount the progress that has been made since 1965, calling such gloomy thinking a “disservice to the cause of justice,” but he also forcefully called out those who think that racism and its effects have been eliminated. He said the march for equality, opportunity and a more just society is far from over.

“This is work for all Americans, and not just some,” the president said. “Not just whites. Not just blacks. If we want to honor the courage of those who marched that day, then all of us are called to possess their moral imagination. All of us will need to feel, as they did, the fierce urgency of now. All of us need to recognize, as they did, that change depends on our actions, our attitudes, the things we teach our children.”

On Sunday, with the president's words still resonating in the streets, lots of important people in fancy clothes made their way to an invitation-only church service at Brown Chapel, an imposing brick building with two high towers that is surrounded by Selma’s housing projects. Andrew Young and Jesse Jackson — who, 50 years ago, were among the young activists battling the old racist system — arrived at the church in motorcades escorted by police. A crowd of a few thousand waited outside Brown Chapel. The patient crowd would eventually follow the dignitaries in the official march to the Edmund Pettus Bridge, where they would bump up against an estimated 50,000 ordinary citizens who had already converged there.

A steady stream of impromptu bridge crossings went on all afternoon. Among the throng was my group of “52 Strong”. We had learned so much from the gracious and brave people we had met during our journey and from one another. One central lesson that I take away from the experience was articulated by a student in our group named Aida Solomon. She had told us about her family emigrating from Ethiopia and how she had difficulty, not only finding her comfort zone in the predominantly white city of Seattle, but in the black community where she was a bit exotic. For a long time, Aida had struggled to define for herself what it means to be an American. She even considered going back to Ethiopia.

But she stayed. As we boarded the bus on the far side of the Edmund Pettus Bridge, Aida split off from the group. She was returning to her internship at the University of Mississippi, where she is engaged in work to end discrimination and promote racial reconciliation. Aida is on the job in that bastion of the Old South because she finally found her American identity. For this young woman whose idealism is as bounteous as her wonderfully extravagant black hair, an American is someone who believes in justice and fights for it.

As definitions go, I cannot think of a better one.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-where-do-we-go-20150309-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-where-do-we-go-20150309-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on March 20, 2015, 06:26:11 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Starbucks offers a shot of race with every cappuccino

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Thursday, March 19, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150319dh_zpsckcfmnrf.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-550a7956/turbine/la-na-tt-starbucks-shot-of-race-20150319)

STARBUCKS is now offering a conversation about race along with the coffee drinks. Some people think this is a noble, commendable idea. Even more folks seem to think it’s about the dumbest move any business has come up with in a long time. Whatever the judgment may be, it is no surprise that the idea for this was born at a company based in the predominantly white, earnestly liberal, coolly polite city of Seattle.

In Seattle, baristas might just get away with chatting up their customers about hot button racial issues. Just about everyone will be on the same page, politically, and any customer who does not feel like talking will simply mumble an apology and hide behind her iPad. I can’t imagine things going so calmly in Texas or Alabama, though. Or Boston or Los Angeles, for that matter. Sooner or later, tempers will flare, voices will be raised, somebody will scream that this force-fed political correctness is part of a commie-socialist plot to denigrate white, Christian America and soon the cappuccinos and macchiatos will be flying in all directions.

However well or badly this goes, one guy thinks it’s worth the risk: Starbucks CEO Howard Schultz — one of the most earnest and liberal gazillionaires in the USA. Schultz has been getting lampooned and harshly criticized for asking his army of employees to write “Race Together” on coffee cups and then engage in race talk with the people who wander into his ubiquitous caffeine emporiums. Undeterred by the negative reception to his idea, he told CNN Money, “It’s not going to solve racism, but I do believe it is the right thing to do at this time.”

After holding a series of forums with employees in which participants explored race relations, Schultz came to believe his customers should be brought in on the conversation. And, since he is the boss, he could tell everyone who works for him to simply make it happen.

Apparently, not everyone got the message. On Wednesday, during a discussion of the Starbucks race initiative on KPCC, the Pasadena-based affiliate of National Public Radio, a young woman called in to offer her perspective. She identified herself as a Starbucks employee and said she thought talking race was a fine idea, but no one at work had told her anything about it. Another Starbucks barista called in to say he was keen to join the effort, but indicated there had been no training to help employees navigate the delicate terrain of race. They are being left on their own to choose when and how to strike up conversations, he said.

It sounds as if there is not much of an actual design to this scheme other than to write on the cups and see what happens. Second-guessing Howard Schultz is somewhat presumptuous; he was genius enough, after all, to turn one little coffee shop with a mermaid sign into an international business empire. Still, how much useful discussion about race can go on between a barista and a customer before the next person in line begins to get testy about having to wait to order his Tiramisu Latte? Is the time it takes to whip up a frappuccino long enough to go deep into the heart of an issue that has plagued America since Columbus landed and made slaves of the natives?

Maybe Schultz will be proved right and some useful national discussion will emerge from this well meant, but seemingly awkward, effort. Nevertheless, I can’t help but imagine a typical discussion going something like this:

Customer: “I’d like a double short Americano with room.”

Barista: “I wrote ‘Race Together’ on your cup. Is that cool?”

Customer: “Totally. Like Ferguson. That really sucks.”

Barista: “It really does suck.”

Customer: “And slavery. That was so lame.”

Barista: Yeah, really lame… So, do you want a muffin or anything?”

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-starbucks-shot-of-race-20150319-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-starbucks-shot-of-race-20150319-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on April 21, 2015, 04:36:43 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

The Civil War did not end at Appomattox

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Monday, April 20, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150420dh_zpsjnh0frcq.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-5534b573/turbine/la-na-tt-end-at-appomattox-20150420)

THE American Civil War ended with the notorious assassination of a great man, but was that man Abraham Lincoln or Martin Luther King Jr.?

That question will not make much sense to anyone who learned in school that the war came to a close with General Robert E. Lee’s surrender to General Ulysses S. Grant at Appomattox Court House 150 years ago this month and that the shooting of Lincoln on April 15th, 1865, just six days after the surrender, was merely a sad coda to the conclusion of a tragic fraternal conflict. That is what generations of Americans have been taught, but historians now are suggesting another way to look at it. John Wilkes Booth’s murder of the president can be seen not as a final desperate act of a lost cause but the opening shot of a largely successful guerrilla war that rolled back the gains made by blue-uniformed liberators on the battlefield.

Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia disbanded and went home after Appomattox, but Union troops did not. They spread out to occupy the defeated Confederacy and enforce federal law and new amendments to the U.S. Constitution that gave full rights of citizenship to the formerly enslaved people of the South. It was not easy duty. They met armed resistance from Southerners who wanted to maintain the old racist system, including murderous white-robed members of the newly formed Ku Klux Klan and various paramilitary groups such as the White League and the Red Shirts. There were no massive battles on the scale of Gettysburg or Shiloh, but conflict continued with blacks the most frequent victims of attacks. Peace clearly had not come.

Federal troops were, nevertheless, able to open a political and economic space for African Americans. During the period called Reconstruction, more than 1,500 black men were elected to positions of civil authority, including the U.S. Senate and the House of Representatives. Twenty percent of the former slaves who had never owned property before were able to own farms.

Yet the brutality aimed at black Americans did not stop. In 1877, with conservative Northern politicians renouncing the military occupation, the last federal troops finally were brought home. White Southerners had already been busy stripping black citizens of the rights that had been won in bloody battle. With the soldiers gone, blacks were disenfranchised, segregated, violently intimidated, murdered with impunity and, through the sharecropper system, pushed down into an economic servitude that was only marginally better than slavery.

In the post-Reconstruction period, Southern historians got hold of the Civil War narrative. It became the War Between the States, a noble battle among brothers with a moral equivalence between the two sides of the dispute. It was about states' rights, not slavery. It was Northern economic power bearing down on the genteel Southern way of life. Reconstruction was portrayed as a villainous usurpation of rights and property. President Grant, who actively defended black citizens by using the military to suppress the KKK, was grossly maligned as an ineffectual drunk. By the time “Gone With the Wind” was released in 1939 with its sympathetic portrayal of the old South, reactionary Southerners had not only won the narrative, they could rightly claim to have snatched victory from the jaws of defeat.

Not until the civil rights movement of the 1950s and '60s and the return of federal troops to protect black children entering integrated schools, freedom riders travelling between bus stations and marchers heading from Selma to Montgomery did the tide of battle turn. It was the victories of the nonviolent activists of that era, backed by federal power, that finally brought down the entrenched institutions erected by the heirs of the Confederacy. When King was assassinated in Memphis on April 4th, 1968, it truly was a last evil gasp of a defeated cause.

If we take anything away from the 150-year anniversary commemorations of the Civil War that have just concluded, it is that history is not set in stone. History is molded and distorted by politics. To now get the record straight, we should move forward to commemorate the events of Reconstruction, an era when racist forces maintained a rebellion against the federal government and the Constitution, finally regaining an oppressive monopoly on power in the South that lasted for an additional 100 years.

No, the fight did not end at Appomattox. In fact, it goes on.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-end-at-appomattox-20150420-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-end-at-appomattox-20150420-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: reality on April 21, 2015, 06:23:41 pm
US aircraft carrier sent to block Iranian shipments to Yemen
Published April 20, 2015FoxNews.com

US warships head to Yemen to block Iranian weapons
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A U.S. aircraft carrier has been dispatched to waters off Yemen to join other American ships prepared to block any Iranian shipments to the Houthi rebels fighting in Yemen.

The U.S. Navy has been beefing up its presence in the Gulf of Aden and the southern Arabian Sea amid reports that a convoy of about eight Iranian ships is heading toward Yemen and possibly carrying arms for the Houthis.

A Navy official confirmed to Fox News that the USS Theodore Roosevelt -- along with her escort ship, the USS Normandy, a guided-missile cruiser -- left the Persian Gulf on Sunday en route for the Arabian Sea, to help enforce the blockade.

Tensions are rising in the region even as the U.S. and five other world powers scramble to strike a final deal with Iran on its nuclear program by the end of June. The fighting in Yemen, where U.S. ally Saudi Arabia is leading a coalition against the Iran-backed rebels, is complicating matters.

White House Press Secretary Josh Earnest, without commenting specifically on any Navy movements, said the U.S. has concerns about Iran's "continued support" for the Houthis.

More on this...

Massive explosions in Yemen as airstrikes target Houthis
"We have seen evidence that the Iranians are supplying weapons and other armed support to the Houthis in Yemen. That support will only contribute to greater violence in that country," he said. "These are exactly the kind of destabilizing activities that we have in mind when we raise concerns about Iran's destabilizing activities in the Middle East."

He said "the Iranians are acutely aware of our concerns for their continued support of the Houthis by sending them large shipments of weapons."

A written statement from the Navy on Monday said the two ships are joining others in conducting "maritime security operations" in the region.

"In recent days, the U.S. Navy has increased its presence in this area as a result of the current instability in Yemen," the statement said.

"The purpose of these operations is to ensure the vital shipping lanes in the region remain open and safe. The United States remains committed to its regional partners and to maintaining security in the maritime environment."

The Houthis are battling government-backed fighters in an effort to take control of the country.

There are now about nine U.S. Navy ships in the region, including cruisers and destroyers carrying teams that can board and search other vessels, as well as three support ships.

The U.S. Navy generally conducts consensual boardings of ships when needed, including to combat piracy around Africa and the region. So far, however, U.S. naval personnel have not boarded any Iranian vessels since the Yemen conflict began.

Fox News' Lucas Tomlinson and The Associated Press contributed

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on April 21, 2015, 07:03:27 pm

Hmmmm....what has that got to do with RACIST American righties/rednecks?

Oooops....I forgot.....you're stupid & dumb, so you cannot tell the difference.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: reality on April 21, 2015, 07:12:47 pm
...ooooops.....sorry..my mistake...but good to see the Americans giving help where it's needed...don't ya think😜

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on April 22, 2015, 05:32:15 am

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/Cartoons%202015/20150422_SkinBleach_11594309sr_zpso8j9rsy0.jpg) (http://static2.stuff.co.nz/1429606800/309/11594309.jpg)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on June 20, 2015, 03:00:48 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Charleston church killer was spawned in a racist swamp

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Friday, June 19, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150619dh_zpscyru92gw.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-5583c503/turbine/la-na-tt-charleston-church-killer-20150619)

HAVING recently spent several inspiring hours singing, praying and sharing meals with members of a historic black church in Montgomery, Alabama, I am especially troubled by the murder of nine African American men and women during a Bible study at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina. The folks I met in Alabama were among the most genuine Christians and solid Americans I have ever encountered and, from everything I have heard about them, the victims in Charleston were the same type of outstanding citizens.

They were among the best of us and their alleged killer, Dylann Roof, one of the worst. He sat beside them throughout the session of religious study before gunning them down with a pistol he reportedly received as a 21st birthday present from his father. Apparently, this was not a spur-of-the-moment act. Acquaintances say Roof had expressed deep anger toward black people and had boasted, as long as a month ago, about his intention to spark a race war. As he shot and reloaded and shot some more at the church Wednesday night, he responded to pleas of mercy by saying he had to kill because, “You rape our women and you’re taking over our country — and you have to go.”

Within hours of the incident, the white mayor and white police chief of Charleston were calling it a hate crime. Shockingly, though, several prominent conservatives spoke up to discount the clear evidence that Roof was motivated by racism.

Ex-New York Mayor Rudi Giuliani advised against injecting race into the situation and said of the shooter, “We have no idea what’s in his mind. Maybe he hates Christian churches.”

Fox and Friends host Steve Doocy was appalled that people jumped to the conclusion this was a hate crime motivated by race, then jumped to his own conclusion that the shooter was acting out “hostility toward Christians.”

Conservative Miami Herald columnist A.J. Delgado looked at surveillance footage from the church and tweeted, “Sorry, am I the only one who isn’t seeing a white male? I know media wants to run a racial angle here but the guy doesn’t look white?” In a later tweet, she said the story did not add up because the targets of white supremacists are not usually “church-going African Americans”. Idiotically, Delgado ignored the countless bombings and arsons of black churches that stretch back as far as the burning of Charleston’s first Emanuel A.M.E. Church in the early 19th century.

GOP presidential aspirant Rick Santorum called the killings an “assault on religious liberty,” asking “what other rationale could there be?” Another candidate for the Republican presidential nomination, South Carolina Senator Lindsey Graham, mentioned race in passing, but emphasized that “there are people out there looking for Christians to kill.”

Two things are at work here in the reaction on the right and both are a bit sickening. The first is that many conservatives seem so tangled up in their own talking points about a secular “war on Christianity” that they have seized on this horrible event to spew self-serving political propaganda. The second is that they are so in denial about the realities of race in America that they initially rejected as a media invention the idea that the white shooter killed the church members because they were black.

Senator Graham, being interviewed on “The View”, said of the church massacre, “It’s not a window into the soul of South Carolina. It’s not who we are, it’s not who our country is, it’s about this guy.” Nice bromides, but, actually, the senator is deluded or evading the truth.

“This guy” may be a freak, but he did not come out of nowhere. With a long list of hate groups and a bleak history of slavery and segregation — not to mention a Confederate flag flying at the state Capitol — South Carolina still has plenty of fertile ground where a human weed like Dylann Roof can be raised up with a racist conception of the world. And, as far as the nation as a whole, justifications for violent political action and racial animosity have found a megaphone on the Internet and in the extremist rhetoric that goes unchallenged by cowering conservative politicians.

Yes, conservatives, there are white supremacists in America and, among the symbols they like to display — besides the stars and bars of the Confederacy — are the flags of apartheid-era South Africa and Rhodesia. Coincidentally, there is a photo of Roof on social media that shows him wearing a jacket emblazoned with both those flags and another photo of him straddling a car license plate bearing the words “Confederate States of America” above an array of rebel banners. More and more clues like these are illuminating Roof’s real motivations, while there is not a shred of evidence to support the conservatives’ alternative scenario.

The shooter may have picked a church for his crime scene, but it is willful ignorance to insist he murdered nine people because they were Christians, not because of the color of their folded, praying hands.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-charleston-church-killer-20150619-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-charleston-church-killer-20150619-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on June 25, 2015, 02:10:29 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Time for Confederate flag devotees to surrender

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Wednesday, June 24, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/LA%20Times%20Pix%202015/latimes_20150624dh_zpsthhejblt.jpg) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-558a6b62/turbine/la-na-tt-confederate-flag-surrender-20150624)

YES, the Confederate battle flag that flies over the grounds of the state Capitol in Columbia, South Carolina, should be taken down and sent to a museum. The state’s two most prominent Republican leaders, Governor Nikki Haley and Senator Lindsey Graham, have finally come around to the rightness of this action, spurred on by the deaths of nine African Americans at a Charleston church who were gunned down by a 21-year-old white supremacist.

The Confederate flag has been waved defiantly by so many murderous racists over many dark decades that it long ago became an irredeemable symbol of everything that was wrong with the Old South.

Still, I have a small bit of sympathy for those who are genuinely bewildered by the antagonism to a banner that, for them, represents the bravery and sacrifice of their ancestors. This is not because my family has any ties to the Confederacy. On the contrary, my great-grandfather fought in the army of General William Tecumseh Sherman on his famously destructive march to the sea. (I raised the ire of a cartoonist colleague of mine — a proud son of Georgia — when, during a trip to Atlanta years ago, I joked that the last time one of my relatives had been in the city he helped burn the place down.) My limited sympathy comes not from family history, but from a childhood preoccupation.

I was an avid student of the Civil War from the fourth grade on. I devoured books about the conflict. I also had a big collection of toy Civil War soldiers that I set up on the floor of our family living room to re-enact elaborate battles between the blue and gray figures. Miniature Confederate flags were simply part of the action, and bigger versions of the rebel flag filled out my small collection of national flags. Frankly, as a sheltered white kid growing up in Seattle far from the realities of life in the South, I thought the Confederate flag was kind of cool.

In more recent years, I’ve taken my own son and daughter on forced marches to Civil War battlefields and reenactments. And, of course, I watched every hour of Ken Burns’ exhaustive documentary about the Civil War when it first appeared on PBS. The tales of daring and tragic loss, the elaborate maneuvers of vast armies and the clash of ideals embodied by grand figures such as Lincoln and Lee have continued to hold my fascination. There is always more to learn about the war that tore America apart.

Over time, the most important thing I have learned is that, until very recently, a big piece of the story was being neglected. Classic narratives about the Civil War mentioned slavery, of course, but the conflict was almost always presented as an American tragedy, a costly fight between brothers in which the two sides were treated as equally heroic and equally just in their motives. When accounts of the Civil War are confined to events during the four years of battle, it is not hard to write the story that way. But a broader understanding of what came before the war and, even more significantly, what happened after makes it painfully obvious that one side was fighting to maintain an evil system of oppression.

The South’s resistance did not end at Appomattox. Through unconstitutional laws and deadly intimidation, white Southerners successfully rolled back most of the gains made by emancipation from slavery and effectively suppressed the political and economic aspirations of black Americans for an additional 100 years — and they quite often committed these egregious acts while brandishing the flag that Confederate soldiers once carried into battle.

As I said, I do believe that some Southerners are sincere in their assertion that they do not see the Confederate flag as a symbol of white supremacy. I believe them because they were raised with the same romanticized version of Civil War history as I was. Southern apologists spent decades grabbing hold of the narrative, playing up the glory of a Lost Cause and downplaying the undeniable fact that the cause, at its root, was defense of the slave system.

Now, after 150 years, it is time for Southerners who bought into the false history to surrender to the truth: Since 1865, the South’s battle flag has become too sullied by the segregationists and violent racists who appropriated it as their own to allow it to be flown near a government building in South Carolina or stand in legislative halls (as it does in Alabama’s Statehouse) or be part of a state flag (as is the case in Mississippi).

The South will rise again, but it will not be the Old South. There is a new South being formed by black and white Southerners who believe that working for justice and equality in the present day is an unquestionably more worthy cause than allegiance to an old flag or obeisance to a past that should be allowed to fade away.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-confederate-flag-surrender-20150624-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-confederate-flag-surrender-20150624-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on June 25, 2015, 11:51:12 pm

Yep....there are a lot of HATEFUL people in the American South.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on June 25, 2015, 11:51:35 pm

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/Cartoons%202015/20150626_Confederacy_12074310sr_zpsviag8iwo.jpg) (http://static2.stuff.co.nz/1435220801/310/12074310.jpg)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on June 26, 2015, 12:47:27 am
Oops Time To Ban The Stars And Stripes


Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on June 27, 2015, 01:29:08 am

from The Washington Post....

Is it time for the Confederate flag to be as taboo as the Nazi swastika?

By ISHAAN THAROOR | Wednesday, June 24, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/News%20Story%20Pix%202015/wp_20150624a_Hitlerjugend_zpstitrwv5h.jpg) (https://img.washingtonpost.com/wp-apps/imrs.php?src=https://img.washingtonpost.com/rf/image_908w/2010-2019/Wires/Images/2015-06-15/AP/Germany_Nazi_Indoctrination-0d37d.jpg&w=1484)
In this undated file photo from the 1930s a member of the Hitlerjugend — HJ (Hitler Youth) wearing
his uniform holds a big drum as he stands in front of a tent in a camp looking at a flag of the
National Socialists with a swastika on it. — Photo: Associated Press.

A DARKER EMBLEM looms over the heated conversation (https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/post-nation/wp/2015/06/23/south-carolina-lawmakers-to-discuss-confederate-flag-as-debate-stretches-to-miss-va/?hpid=z1) about a controversial American symbol. To hammer home how problematic the continued state-sanctioned tolerance of the Confederate battle flag (https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/the-confederate-flag-on-display-from-1938-to-today/2015/06/22/b0744552-1902-11e5-ab92-c75ae6ab94b5_gallery.html?hpid=z6) is in parts of the United States, some have drawn comparisons to the infamous banner of Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany.

“It would be like having the swastika flag flying on your next-door neighbour,” said Whoopi Goldberg (http://www.mediaite.com/tv/whoopi-goldberg-compares-confederate-flag-to-nazi-swastika), on ABC's The View on Monday. “If [the Confederate flag] continues to fly, the statement that’s being made … is that ‘We miss this really crappy part of history’.”

To be sure, Nazi Germany was a vastly different political entity than the Confederacy, and existed in a vastly different historical context.

But the growing backlash against the Confederate flag does suggest that, a century and a half later, Americans are finally accepting what Goldberg and many others believe it has represented all along: not heritage, nor pride, nor a badge of Southern identity, but a regime of white supremacists (http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/06/what-this-cruel-war-was-over/396482/?utm_source=SFTwitter) who went to war against the Union in order to preserve the inhuman institution of slavery (http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/06/what-this-cruel-war-was-over/396482/?utm_source=SFTwitter).

That's a legacy and ideology (http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/06/what-this-cruel-war-was-over/396482/?utm_source=SFTwitter) that does not deserve to be honored by government institutions in the 21st century. And it's in that sense where the comparison to the Nazi swastika is most apt.

After World War II and the defeat of the Third Reich, which survived nearly three times longer than the Confederate States of America, the insignia and flags of Nazism were banned. They were stripped from uniforms (http://www.independent.org/pdf/tir/tir_11_02_03_payne.pdf), detonated off the facades of buildings (http://www.ushmm.org/online/film/display/detail.php?file_num=2049), and eventually deemed a violation of Germany's criminal code (http://www.iuscomp.org/gla/statutes/StGB.htm#86a) as symbols of an unconstitutional organization.

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1CYTcQUKTVY (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=1CYTcQUKTVY)

According to a 1946 article in Time magazine (http://content.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,776847,00.html), the occupying Allies embarked on a ruthless quest to expunge any trace of Nazi iconography, reducing “to pulp literature, museum and library material, newspapers, films and war memorials” connected to Hitler's regime. Only tombstones were spared. To this day, it is illegal to display a Nazi swastika or any other associated logo or perform the “Heil Hitler” salute — even sometimes as an act of satirical, anti-fascist protest (http://www.dw.com/en/german-company-fined-for-selling-anti-nazi-symbols/a-2189625).

Never will you find a serious German politician, let alone one contending for the leadership of the country (http://www.motherjones.com/mojo/2015/06/lindsey-graham-defends-confederate-flag), insisting in 2015 that the Nazi swastika is “part of who we are.” Nor would you be able to stock up on kitsch, “nostalgic” Nazi memorabilia (http://www.theatlantic.com/entertainment/archive/2015/06/confederate-flag-pop-culture-phenomenon/396596/?utm_source=SFTwitter). There are no vainglorious monuments to Nazi leaders (http://gawker.com/alarming-statue-of-a-racist-and-horse-perfectly-honors-1713422930) lining German city squares; instead, in the heart of the capital, sits a painful testament (http://www.stiftung-denkmal.de/startseite.html) to collective guilt and the horrors of the past.

The contrast between this and the way some American states still commemorate Confederate leaders, name roads after Confederate generals and fly Confederate flags could not be more stark.

The Civil War may have put slavery to an end, but as the shooting in Charleston (http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2015/06/18/in-facebook-photo-suspected-charleston-shooter-wears-flags-of-racist-regimes-in-africa) made clear, cultures of hatred remain. The Confederate battle flag, now at the heart of so much controversy, was revived almost a century after the war (http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2015/06/why-is-the-flag-still-there/396431) by Southern groups opposed to efforts toward desegregation. It became an enduring emblem of the country's deeply entrenched systems of inequity.

This is not to say that a toxic ideology simply dies out with the retirement of its symbol.

Nazism and its political allure hardly faded overnight with the scrapping of the Nazi swastika. The “denazification” efforts launched by the occupying Allies had limited effect. As the late historian Tony Judt (http://www.nytimes.com/2005/10/16/books/review/postwar-picking-up-the-pieces.html?_r=0) chronicles in his book “Postwar”, considerable sympathy for the old regime remained in the years that followed the end of World War II.

A 1946 poll of West Germans (http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/10/the-selective-amnesia-of-postwar-europe/280789/) found that one in three agreed with the proposition that “Jews should not have the same rights as those belonging to the Aryan race.” Another poll in 1952 found that some 25 percent of West Germans still held a “good opinion” of Hitler.

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/News%20Story%20Pix%202015/wp_20150624b_KKKNazi_zpsauwmokkl.jpg) (https://img.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/files/2015/06/KKKNazi.jpg)
Clarence Brandenburg, 48, who says hes an officer in the Ku Klux Klan, left, and Richard Hanna, 21,
admitted member of the American Nazi Party, pose for picture following their arrests,
August 8th, 1964, Cincinnati, Ohio. — Photo: Associated Press.

After 1949, there was a climate of amnesia (http://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/09/books/truth-and-reconciliation.html) in West Germany about the misdeeds and horrors of Hitler's genocidal rule, as well as a degree of resentment of the Allies' treatment of their defeated foe (http://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/09/books/truth-and-reconciliation.html). “The overwhelming majority of West Germans were clearly in favor of... forgetting everything having to do with Nazism,” wrote the German historian Norbert Frei (http://www.nytimes.com/2003/02/09/books/truth-and-reconciliation.html). The new government of Chancellor Konrad Adenauer eventually set up sweeping amnesty for former Nazi officials and party members.

Judt lays out the extent of the Nazi rehabilitation (http://www.theatlantic.com/international/archive/2013/10/the-selective-amnesia-of-postwar-europe/280789):

In Bavaria [once the heartland of Nazi party] about half the secondary schoolteachers had been fired by 1946, only to be back in their jobs two years later. In 1949 the newly-established Federal Republic ended all investigations of the past behaviour of civil servants and army officers.

In Bavaria in 1951, 94 percent of judges and prosecutors, 77 percent of finance ministry employees and 60 percent of civil servants in the regional Agriculture Ministry were ex-Nazis. By 1952 one in three of Foreign Ministry officials in Bonn was a former member of the Nazi Party.

Historians argue that this was largely tolerated by the United States and other countries in the West because of the looming shadow of the Cold War and the need to keep West Germany on side. It set up a more painful reckoning (https://www.minnpost.com/global-post/2010/02/despite-banning-nazi-symbols-germanys-constitution-and-legal-tradition-complicat) in West Germany in the decades ahead.

“The emergence in West German society of a serious and open confrontation with the Nazi past,” wrote Frei (http://www.newrepublic.com/article/amnesty-and-amnesia), “was made possible only by a very different preceding period — a period of utmost individual leniency, reflecting a policy for the past whose failing would stamp the new state's spirit over many decades.”

In the United States, some would say a long deferred reckoning is perhaps now taking place (https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/once-politically-sacrosanct-confederate-flag-moves-toward-an-end/2015/06/23/5009fb66-19b7-11e5-bd7f-4611a60dd8e5_story.html).

In Germany, the censorship of Nazi symbols (http://www.dw.com/en/german-company-fined-for-selling-anti-nazi-symbols/a-2189625) is still a matter of debate (https://www.minnpost.com/global-post/2010/02/despite-banning-nazi-symbols-germanys-constitution-and-legal-tradition-complicat) — with many wrestling over the dual necessity of preserving liberal freedoms while also recognizing the evils of the Third Reich. Far-right and even neo-Nazi groups exist and organize in the country, but raising the Nazi swastika is a red line that no one can cross.

Instead, at times, some European fringe groups have come up with another symbol to represent their hateful creed: the Confederate flag (http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2015/06/22/why-do-italian-soccer-fans-and-other-foreigners-fly-the-confederate-flag).

Ishaan Tharoor writes about foreign affairs for The Washington Post. He previously was a senior editor at TIME, based first in Hong Kong and later in New York.


Related stories:

 • Why European neo-fascists wave the Confederate flag (http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2015/06/22/why-do-italian-soccer-fans-and-other-foreigners-fly-the-confederate-flag)

 • The Charleston terrorist wore badges of racist African regimes (http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2015/06/18/in-facebook-photo-suspected-charleston-shooter-wears-flags-of-racist-regimes-in-africa)

http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2015/06/24/how-germanys-ban-of-the-nazi-swastika-echoes-in-the-battle-over-the-confederate-flag (http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2015/06/24/how-germanys-ban-of-the-nazi-swastika-echoes-in-the-battle-over-the-confederate-flag)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on June 27, 2015, 04:19:33 pm
US mainstream media love race baiting to keep the people divided it's a game they play

anyone who does not agree with Obama is labeled a racist

it's name and shame it's mostly an illusion to imprint more control onto the minds of the gullible masses  and the simple minded
making the problem seem much bigger than it is

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on June 28, 2015, 06:20:28 am
Oh i feel so guilty for being white


If we can be 'transgender', why can't we be 'transracial ...

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Yak on June 28, 2015, 10:51:32 am
(http://img.photobucket.com/albums/v231/Ash01/Politics/dbd_zpshuh4wyxj.jpg) (http://smg.photobucket.com/user/Ash01/media/Politics/dbd_zpshuh4wyxj.jpg.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on June 28, 2015, 02:36:46 pm

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CUjVaaT60qY (https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=CUjVaaT60qY)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on June 28, 2015, 10:29:27 pm

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: hdrider on July 03, 2015, 07:50:02 pm

I suppose if a cop or security guard shot one of these assholes the same old racist bullshit card would be pulled out again!

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on November 23, 2015, 03:21:30 pm

from The Washington Post....

My white neighbor thought I was breaking into
my own apartment. Nineteen cops showed up.

The place I call home no longer feels safe.

By FAY WELLS | Wednesday, November 18, 2015

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/Washington%20Post%20Pix%202015/20151118a_FayWells_zpseqbwcqsm.jpg) (https://img.washingtonpost.com/wp-apps/imrs.php?src=https://img.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/fay-back.jpg&w=1484)
FAY WELLS. — Photograph: Kyle Monk/The Washington Post.

ON September 6th, I locked myself out of my apartment in Santa Monica, California. I was in a rush to get to my weekly soccer game, so I decided to go enjoy the game and deal with the lock afterward.

A few hours and a visit from a locksmith later, I was inside my apartment and slipping off my shoes when I heard a man's voice and what sounded like a small dog whimpering outside, near my front window. I imagined a loiterer and opened the door to move him along. I was surprised to see a large dog halfway up the staircase to my door. I stepped back inside, closed the door and locked it.

I heard barking. I approached my front window and loudly asked what was going on. Peering through my blinds, I saw a gun. A man stood at the bottom of the stairs, pointing it at me. I stepped back and heard: “Come outside with your hands up.” I thought: This man has a gun and will kill me if I don't come outside. At the same time, I thought: I've heard this line from policemen in movies. Although he didn't identify himself, perhaps he's an officer.

I left my apartment in my socks, shorts and a light jacket, my hands in the air. “What's going on?” I asked again. Two police officers had guns trained on me. They shouted: “Who's in there with you? How many of you are there?”

I said it was only me and, hands still raised, slowly descended the stairs, focused on one officer's eyes and on his pistol. I had never looked down the barrel of a gun or at the face of a man with a loaded weapon pointed at me. In his eyes, I saw fear and anger. I had no idea what was happening, but I saw how it would end: I would be dead in the stairwell outside my apartment, because something about me — a 5-foot-7, 125-pound black woman — frightened this man with a gun. I sat down, trying to look even less threatening, trying to de-escalate. I again asked what was going on. I confirmed there were no pets or people inside.

I told the officers I didn't want them in my apartment. I said they had no right to be there. They entered anyway. One pulled me, hands behind my back, out to the street. The neighbors were watching. Only then did I notice the ocean of officers. I counted 16. They still hadn't told me why they'd come.

Later, I learned that the Santa Monica Police Department had dispatched 19 officers after one of my neighbors reported a burglary at my apartment. It didn't matter that I told the cops I'd lived there for seven months, told them about the locksmith, offered to show a receipt for his services and my ID. It didn't matter that I went to Duke, that I have an MBA from Dartmouth, that I'm a vice president of strategy at a multinational corporation. It didn't matter that I've never had so much as a speeding ticket. It didn't matter that I calmly, continually asked them what was happening. It also didn't matter that I didn't match the description of the person they were looking for — my neighbor described me as Hispanic when he called 911. What mattered was that I was a woman of color trying to get into her apartment — in an almost entirely white apartment complex in a mostly white city (http://quickfacts.census.gov/qfd/states/06/0670000.html) — and a white man who lived in another building called the cops because he'd never seen me before.

(http://i365.photobucket.com/albums/oo92/RasputinDude/Washington%20Post%20Pix%202015/20151118b_FayWells_zpsb8gw7bxq.jpg) (https://img.washingtonpost.com/wp-apps/imrs.php?src=https://img.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp-content/uploads/2015/11/fay-beach.jpg&w=1484)
FAY WELLS. — Photograph: Kyle Monk/The Washington Post.

After the officers and dog exited my “cleared” apartment, I was allowed back inside to speak with some of them. They asked me why I hadn't come outside shouting, “I live here.” I told them it didn't make sense to walk out of my own apartment proclaiming my residence when I didn't even know what was going on. I also reminded them that they had guns pointed at me. Shouting at anyone with a gun doesn't seem like a wise decision.

I had so many questions. Why hadn't they announced themselves? Why had they pointed guns at me? Why had they refused to answer when I asked repeatedly what was going on? Was it protocol to send more than a dozen cops to a suspected burglary? Why hadn't anyone asked for my ID or accepted it, especially after I'd offered it? If I hadn't heard the dog, would I have opened the door to a gun in my face? “Maybe,” they answered.

I demanded all of their names and was given few. Some officers simply ignored me when I asked, boldly turning and walking away. Afterward, I saw them talking to neighbors, but they ignored me when I approached them again. A sergeant assured me that he'd personally provide me with all names and badge numbers.

I introduced myself to the reporting neighbor and asked if he was aware of the gravity of his actions — the ocean of armed officers, my life in danger. He stuttered about never having seen me, before snippily asking if I knew my next-door neighbor. After confirming that I did and questioning him further, he angrily responded, “I'm an attorney, so you can go f— yourself,” and walked away.

I spoke with two of the officers a little while longer, trying to wrap my mind around the magnitude and nature of their response. They wondered: Wouldn't I want the same response if I'd been the one who called the cops? “Absolutely not,” I told them. I recounted my terror and told them how I imagined it all ending, particularly in light of the recent interactions between police and people of color. One officer admitted that it was complicated but added that people sometimes kill cops for no reason. I was momentarily speechless at this strange justification.

I got no clear answers from the police that night and am still struggling to get them, despite multiple visits, calls and e-mails to the Santa Monica Police Department requesting the names of the officers, their badge numbers, the audio from my neighbor’s call to 911 and the police report. The sergeant didn't e-mail me the officers' names as he promised. I was told that the audio of the call requires a subpoena and that the small army of responders, guns drawn, hadn't merited an official report. I eventually received a list from the SMPD of 17 officers who came to my apartment that night, but the list does not include the names of two officers who handed me their business cards on the scene. I've filed an official complaint with internal affairs.

(The department released some of this information to The Washington Post after an editor's inquiry.)

To many, the militarization of the police is primarily abstract or painted as occasional. That thinking allows each high-profile incident of aggressive police interaction with people of color — Michael Brown, Eric Garner, Freddie Gray — to be written off as an outlier.

What happened to them did not happen to me, but it easily could have. The SMPD sent 19 armed police officers who refused to answer my questions while violating my rights, privacy and sense of well-being. A wrong move, and I could have been shot. My complaint is not the first against the department this year. This spring (http://www.nbclosangeles.com/news/local/NAACP-Calls-For-Investigation-Into-Rough-Santa-Monica-Arrest-303829161.html), the local branch of the NAACP and other concerned residents met with SMPD to discuss several incidents of aggressive policing against people of color. The NAACP asked SMPD for demographic information on all traffic, public transportation and pedestrian stops; so far, the department has promised (http://www.surfsantamonica.com/ssm_site/the_lookout/news/News-2015/June-2015/06_01_2015_Santa_Monica_Police_Chief_Responds_To_Residents_Racial_Profiling_Complaints.html) to release a report of detailed arrest data next year.

The trauma of that night lingers. I can't un-see the guns, the dog, the officers forcing their way into my apartment, the small army waiting for me outside. Almost daily, I deal with sleeplessness, confusion, anger and fear. I'm frightened when I see large dogs now. I have nightmares of being beaten by white men as they call me the n-word. Every week, I see the man who called 911. He averts his eyes and ignores me.

I'm heartbroken that his careless assessment of me, based on skin color, could endanger my life. I'm heartbroken by the sense of terror I got from people whose job is supposedly to protect me. I'm heartbroken by a system that evades accountability and justifies dangerous behavior. I'm heartbroken that the place I called home no longer feels safe. I'm heartbroken that no matter how many times a story like this is told, it will happen again.

Not long ago, I was walking with a friend to a crowded restaurant when I spotted two cops in line and froze. I tried to figure out how to get around them without having to walk past them. I no longer wanted to eat there, but I didn't want to ruin my friend's evening. As we stood in line, 10 or so people back, my eyes stayed on them. I've always gone out of my way to avoid generalizations. I imagined that perhaps these two cops were good people, but I couldn't stop thinking about what the Santa Monica police had done to me. I found a lump in my throat as I tried to separate them from the system that had terrified me. I realized that if I needed help, I didn't think I could ask them for it.

Fay Wells is vice president of strategy at a company in California.

EDITOR'S NOTE: The Santa Monica Police Department told The Washington Post that 16 officers were on the scene but later provided a list of 17 names. That list does not match the list of 17 names that was eventually provided to the writer; the total number of names provided by the SMPD is 19. The department also said that it was protocol for this type of call to warrant “a very substantial police response,” and that any failure of officers to provide their names and badge numbers “would be inconsistent with the Department's protocols and expectations.” There is an open internal affairs inquiry into the writer's allegations of racially motivated misconduct. After this essay ran online, Police Chief Jacqueline A. Seabrooks released an additional statement (http://santamonicapd.org/Content.aspx?id=54286). “The 9-1-1 caller was not wrong for reporting what he believed was an in-progress residential burglary,” she wrote. “Ms. Wells is not wrong to feel as she does.”.


Read more on this topic:

 • I taught my black kids that their elite upbringing would protect them from discrimination. I was wrong. (https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2014/11/06/i-taught-my-black-kids-that-their-elite-upbringing-would-protect-them-from-discrimination-i-was-wrong)

 • I'm a cop. If you don't want to get hurt, don't challenge me. (https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2014/08/19/im-a-cop-if-you-dont-want-to-get-hurt-dont-challenge-me)

 • Instead of cash reparations, give every black person 5/3 a vote (https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/instead-of-cash-reparations-give-every-black-american-53-of-a-vote/2015/08/21/80d9723e-45aa-11e5-8ab4-c73967a143d3_story.html)

 • There's a reason Mizzou protesters didn't want the media around (https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/11/11/theres-a-good-reason-protesters-at-the-university-of-missouri-didnt-want-the-media-around)

 • Don't criticize Black Lives Matter for provoking violence. The civil rights movement did too. (https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/10/01/dont-criticize-black-lives-matter-for-provoking-violence-the-civil-rights-movement-did-too)

 • Community policing might make police brutality worse (https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/11/03/community-policing-is-not-the-solution-to-police-brutality-it-makes-it-worse)

https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/11/18/my-white-neighbor-thought-i-was-breaking-into-my-own-apartment-nineteen-cops-showed-up/ (https://www.washingtonpost.com/posteverything/wp/2015/11/18/my-white-neighbor-thought-i-was-breaking-into-my-own-apartment-nineteen-cops-showed-up/)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Yak on November 23, 2015, 07:04:55 pm
I'm heartbroken that his careless assessment of me, based on skin color, could endanger my life. I'm heartbroken by the sense of terror I got from people whose job is supposedly to protect me. I'm heartbroken by a system that evades accountability and justifies dangerous behavior. I'm heartbroken that the place I called home no longer feels safe. I'm heartbroken that no matter how many times a story like this is told, it will happen again.
I do understand where she is coming from.  However, the article doesn't go into why the police react the way they do.  It doesn't explain the virtual certainty that a burglary will be by a black person or persons who are almost certainly armed with blade or gun and as the cops want to go home at shift end, they respond accordingly.
Perhaps I can understand their reactions better than most here, having been in that position - albeit without the expectation of firearms being used against me - it was knives or screwdrivers.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on November 24, 2015, 02:05:41 pm
people in the US are rightfully afraid of the thug culture and maybe don't know their neighbours

Seems to be a mainstream news media agenda of stirring up the black white thing, the race card probably for political reasons
it should be called the unfair and unbalanced white guilt news

there are  black and white racist people in every country people cannot be forced to like everyone

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 03, 2017, 02:58:18 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

The legacy of slavery is not gone with the wind

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Monday, October 02, 2017

(http://www.trbimg.com/img-59cfe3d6/turbine/la-1506796494-c6jhvr3cli-snap-image/1100) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-59cfe3d6/turbine/la-1506796494-c6jhvr3cli-snap-image)

I WAS shuffling along a path beside the James River in the hot Southern sun, tied loosely by a rope to 17 other people while an actor dressed as an 18th century slave overseer paced beside us screaming demeaning, racist epithets. The thought crossed my mind that this was the height of white privilege: paying for the chance to experience a few minutes of slight discomfort (knowing the tour bus and lunch were just around the corner) so that I could get a hint of what slavery felt like.

Still, the experience was illuminating. I knew it was all theater, yet I kept my head down and my eyes averted to avoid the faux slave driver's wrath. To maintain balance and keep an awkward, slow pace, my left hand gripped the shoulder of the young black man ahead of me. He was a senior from the University of Washington (http://www.latimes.com/topic/education/colleges-universities/university-of-washington-OREDU0000574-topic.html) named Jarrod Stout, and his feelings about this experience were certainly more intense than mine. Jarrod was consumed by the horrific realization that people who looked like him had been pulled from slave ships at this very spot.

After being stolen away from their homes and families, the enslaved Africans had endured weeks of shipboard confinement in cramped, stifling gloom, chained up with other luckless strangers, hungry, naked, awash in their own bodily waste. When they arrived in Richmond — the city second only to New Orleans as a prime American portal for the trans-Atlantic slave trade — they were shackled into lines and marched down the path to the pens in which they would be kept until being sold off to the highest bidder on the slaver's auction block.

All Americans know at least a little about our country's shameful history of slavery, and many think the problem was resolved when the Civil War ended 152 years ago with the defeat of the rebellious Southern states. In reality, though, slavery morphed into 100 years of segregation, economic disadvantage, rights denied and racist terrorism for African Americans. And now, even after the advances of the civil rights movement in the 1950s and '60s, systemic issues remain: mass incarceration, unequal educational opportunities, economic disparities, political disenfranchisement, police violence.

Judging by the fearful ignorance displayed by too many white Americans, not only are these systemic issues not recognized as valid, but even bringing them up in polite conversation or a political campaign is an offense against their conception of what America is and should be. As we have seen in recent days, NFL players raising such concerns during a pre-game singing of the national anthem will even cause the president of the United States to respond with an angry tweet storm.

I am one white American who believes this country I love cannot be as good and great as it should be until these issues are confronted. So, for five days in mid-September, I joined with an interracial, intergenerational collection of men and women under the auspices of Project Pilgrimage, a new organization based in Seattle that promotes engagement with the civil rights issues of our day. One method of engagement is taking diverse groups on immersive pilgrimages to places where both contemporary and historical struggles can be directly experienced.

Two years ago, I traveled with a similar group through the South — to Birmingham, Alabama; Little Rock, Arkansas; Memphis, Tennessee; Montgomery, Alabama; the Mississippi Delta and finally to Selma, Alabama, for the 50th anniversary commemoration of the pivotal Bloody Sunday march across the Edmund Pettus Bridge that helped drive passage of the 1965 Civil Rights Act.

This time around, the group included a college professor, a county official, a former legislator and other older adults paired with university students and recent college graduates. The itinerary would take us to Charlottesville, Virginia, where, in August, neo-Nazis paraded with torches and a young female counter-protester was killed. We would go to Harper's Ferry, West Virginia, where the abolitionist John Brown tried to incite a slave rebellion in 1859 and where, at a black college on a hill, the civil rights movement was born. We would trek across the battlefield at Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, where vast armies of white Americans fought and killed each other to settle the question of whether blacks in this country would be slave or free.

First, though, we would spend a day in the capital of the old Confederacy, to witness firsthand the debate about monuments dedicated to the Southern heroes of the bloodiest war in the nation's history — a debate that suggests that, in significant ways, the Civil War did not end conclusively in 1865. Rather, it continues to flare up with each new generation.

This is part one of a five-part series.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-legacy-slavery-20170930-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-legacy-slavery-20170930-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Donald on October 03, 2017, 03:51:13 pm
The saddest part of this post..(which I did not read...because Horsey is a communist pc dickhead...)

..was the last line...

"This is part one of a five-part series".....😴

..and we all know that the rail labourer will need to get his money's worth now that he has been sucked into paying for a subscription of a socialist American rag....life can be so cruel🙄

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 03, 2017, 04:37:30 pm

The saddest part of this thread is that you are a stupid, ignorant fuckwit.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Donald on October 03, 2017, 04:49:22 pm
Haha....in the words of the great Sir John Key....yeah....nah....

..thought you'd like that😉

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 04, 2017, 01:36:22 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Confederate monuments are tributes to a whitewashed history

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Tuesday, October 03, 2017

(http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d303ef/turbine/la-1507001321-kdy2ofosov-snap-image/1100) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d303ef/turbine/la-1507001321-kdy2ofosov-snap-image)

RICHMOND, VIRGINIA — Monument Avenue is a broad boulevard that stretches through some of the finer real estate in this city. At several intersections, the streets carve central squares and circles and at the center of those stand monuments to the venerated heroes of the Confederacy, monuments that some people would like to sweep into the trash heap of history.

Like many American cities and towns, Richmond is confounded by what to do with these relics of another age and a commission has been set up to sort it out. This having been the capital of the Confederate States of America, what they do here may have more significance than in any other locale. Several days ago, I was on a bus with 17 other Project Pilgrimage participants from the West Coast, rolling along Monument Avenue for a rendezvous with some participants in the debate. We met up with a city councilman, Chuck Richardson, and a professor of history from the University of Richmond, Dr. Julian Hayter, who is a member of the monuments commission. Both are African Americans.

The first monument we encountered was dedicated to Arthur Ashe, the black tennis champion and civil rights activist — obviously not one of the Confederate heroes. After a lot of effort and antagonism, Richardson succeeded in getting this statue put up as something of a rebuttal to the bronze images further along the avenue. And rebuttal would be the right term because the other statues were very much intended as an unambiguous statement in the segregationist era in which they were erected: The Southern cause was just and righteous, and this city will not apologize or relent.

A few blocks after Ashe stands a big equestrian statue of Confederate General Stonewall Jackson defiantly facing north. Beyond Jackson is an elaborate memorial to Confederate President Jefferson Davis. On the memorial's stone steps sat five protesters who do not at all like the idea of removing the monuments. Flanked on his right by two wary white men and on his left by two equally suspicious white women, a lone black man greeted our group with a smile. He stood up, introduced himself as retired Army Sergeant Major James S. Haynes, Jr., and gave us a lengthy explanation of why he believes money spent on removing the monuments would be a waste since the city has “many fish to fry besides dead men on dead horses.”

The councilman, Richardson, sat nearby, fuming as Haynes spoke. Finally, he could not take any more and went on a tirade about the Confederate president's white supremacist beliefs. One of the women shot back at him, telling Richardson to “get off the Democrats' plantation!” She declared that it was the Democrats who were for slavery, which, while partially accurate in a historical context, ignores the reality that segregationist Democrats jumped to the Republican side in the 1960s and '70s.

One of the black students in the pilgrimage group got into a discussion with one of the white men. The man argued that, in assessing old Jeff Davis, “you've got to look at it from a 19th-century perspective.” The student stayed polite, but, walking beside me afterward, he wished he had reminded the man how that “perspective” would not have been healthy for a black man alive back in Davis' day. Coming up behind, Richardson shook off his anger and said with a grin, “But you gotta love the artwork, I tell you.”

That artistry is undeniable and reaches epic proportions in the towering figure of General Robert E. Lee astride his horse, Traveler, standing proudly atop a massive pedestal. Hayter noted that the huge traffic circle on which Lee stands is state property and that, in 1977 after a black majority took over the Richmond City Council, the Virginia Assembly (http://www.latimes.com/topic/politics-government/virginia-general-assembly-ORGOV0000122-topic.html) quickly passed a law prohibiting the statue's removal.

That same year, the Assembly approved a law that blocked the black-run city from expanding into the white-controlled outlying areas. Now, Richmond is ringed by white suburbs with good schools, while only 17 of the city's 44 predominantly black public schools have accreditation. That sort of politically engineered disparity is just one of the myriad examples of how the legacy of slavery and Jim Crow still haunts the South. Those who want the monuments taken down say the statues are symbols and celebrations of that dark legacy, not mere tributes to ancestors.

Hayter is in complete agreement with that view of what the monuments represent, but he notes that, when Baltimore and New Orleans took down their Confederate statues, it did not really change anything for the black residents of those cities. Hayter is open to the idea of doing something different in Richmond. Perhaps, signs and structures can be placed around or beneath the statues of Lee, Davis, Jackson and J.E.B. Stuart, the final rebel hero represented on the avenue, that will alter the message and teach a very different story.

Remarkably, by state mandate, Virginia's schoolchildren are still being told that the Civil War was not a result of slavery, but was a dispute over state's rights and preservation of Southern heritage — a noble Lost Cause that their white ancestors defended with blood and courage. Could the monuments be transformed into places that counter those erroneous lessons? There is a very different and far more accurate narrative to be told. As the founding documents of the Confederacy state very clearly, the Civil War was all about slavery and the Southerners who fought and died so bravely sacrificed for an unworthy cause.

There are 75 million descendants of Confederate veterans alive today, Hayter said, and a great many of them are not eager to admit their ancestors were on the wrong side. Nevertheless, the professor told me, “We are going to have to be honest with our history, or we will live and die by it.”

This is part two of a five-part series.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-confederate-monuments-20171002-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-confederate-monuments-20171002-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 05, 2017, 09:19:20 am

from the Los Angeles Times....

Shrouding the Confederate past in Charlottesville

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Wednesday, October 04, 2017

(http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d459f2/turbine/la-1507088875-utblicvc22-snap-image/1100) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d459f2/turbine/la-1507088875-utblicvc22-snap-image)

ON THE dark night of August 11th, hundreds of neo-Nazis and white nationalists marched across the University of Virginia campus chanting “White lives matter” and “Jews will not replace us!” Carrying tiki torches, they streamed across the great, grassy lawn behind the Rotunda, the oldest building on campus, made their way up the steps and down the stairs on the other side of the building to mass around a statue of Thomas Jefferson, the university's founder.

The marchers were met by a small group of anti-racist protesters who circled the base of the statue, as if to protect Jefferson from the mob. Oddly enough, a few weeks later, a different group of student activists decrying Jefferson's ownership of slaves shrouded the statue with a black plastic sheet.

Such are the complications on America's college campuses where issues of identity drive passionate debates.

Last week, I visited the UV campus with a group of participants in a Project Pilgrimage fact-finding tour and walked over to the Rotunda. Following the lines of the Pantheon in Rome, Jefferson designed the building as a structure evoking “the authority of nature and the power of reason.” It took the place of the church that, in his time, was generally set at the center of a university.

Affixed on the Rotunda's brick wall above the Jefferson statue I found plaques memorializing UV students killed in several of America's wars. On the lawn side of the building, there were two more plaques, one in remembrance of the university's World War I dead and one in tribute to President Woodrow Wilson, who attended the UV law school. Between those were two places where the bricks were cracked, evidence of the recent removal of a pair of plaques. Black students had demanded that the plaques come down because they listed the names of UV alumni who died fighting for the Confederacy.

On this college campus, even common soldiers swept up in a war not of their making have become casualties in a battle to revisit American history and represent all those — black Americans, in particular — who have been marginalized in our nation’s story.

Down in the town, I strolled through two parks and found more contentious targets of protest — equestrian statues of Confederate Generals Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson. They have been covered with black tarps until city officials can figure out what to do with them. Liberal activists want the things removed because they were placed in those public squares in the days when white intimidation of black citizens was common practice backed by cruel law. To many, the statues are seen as just another tool of that intimidation.

When I was going through school as a kid fascinated by Civil War history, Lee was widely considered to be an American hero, not just a man venerated by the South. The simple biography of Lee said duty and honor compelled him to resign from his commission in the U.S. Army to fight for his beloved home state of Virginia, even though he disdained the institution of slavery.

Recent scholarship suggests that story is too kind. Lee's own letters indicate he saw slavery as a burden for white people who, of necessity, had to keep blacks under their control until they could raise them to a proper level of Christian enlightenment. When he led the Army of Northern Virginia into Pennsylvania, Lee allowed his troops to sweep up free blacks and take them south as slaves. When the North's commanding general, Ulysses S. Grant, bargained with Lee for a swap of prisoners, Lee refused to return any black Union soldiers, insisting they were the property of Southerners. When Union troops took over one of the Lee family plantations, the resident slaves showed no regret at being liberated from Lee's stern, paternalistic authority.

The students on the bus tour with me have no trouble perceiving Lee as a traitor to his country whose defense of the slave system cost hundreds of thousands of lives. Unburdened by other narratives and steeped in the dialectics of social justice, the matter seems rather clear to them: Lee and all the other Confederates were fighting for racism and, therefore, should no longer be memorialized in any public space other than a museum or battlefield.

That is a hard verdict for many Americans to accept.

In his second inaugural address, Abraham Lincoln spoke of the need to “bind up the nation’s wounds.” In the decades after Lincoln's death, that healing was done by treating the defeated Confederates as straying brothers who were welcomed back into the American family. Southern historians were able to concoct a noble “Lost Cause” narrative that came to dominate perceptions, even in other parts of the country, and which was popularized in Hollywood epics like “Birth of a Nation” and “Gone With the Wind”.

Today's challenge to that version of history is opening those old wounds. Southerners who grew up believing their ancestors were American heroes are now being asked to accept that they were traitors in a wicked cause led by leaders who, as far as the people they enslaved were concerned, were not much better than Nazis. That harsh narrative is not likely to be met with anything but resistance.

This leaves questions for all of us to face. How much understanding of complex human motivations are we willing to fold into our judgments about the past? How much ground will any of us be willing to give up for the sake of future reconciliation? How much truth can we handle? What does justice require?

This is part three of a five-part series.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-shrouding-charlottesville-20171003-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-shrouding-charlottesville-20171003-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: aDjUsToR on October 05, 2017, 09:58:59 am
Newsflash. Nobody is reading this lefty horseshit.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 06, 2017, 03:10:01 am

What's a sure sign of a racist?

Somebody with a closed mind who proclaims that any written words uncovering or highlighting racism is “lefty horseshit”.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 06, 2017, 03:10:21 am

from the Los Angeles Times....

Uncovering the untold history of civil rights at a martyred zealot's farm

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Thursday, October 05, 2017

(http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d5a672/turbine/la-1507173996-r5zej3c5bk-snap-image/1100) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d5a672/turbine/la-1507173996-r5zej3c5bk-snap-image)

HARPER'S FERRY, WEST VIRGINIA — At this small town at the confluence of the Potomac and Shenandoah rivers, there is a history that is well-known and a history that has been hidden.

The familiar history is the story of militant abolitionist John Brown, who on the night of October 16th, 1859, came with a party of 22 raiders to seize the United States arsenal. His objective was to provoke a slave revolt that would spread throughout the South. Instead, Brown and his compatriots were trapped inside an engine house just inside the gate of the arsenal grounds. U.S. Marines under the command of Lieutenant Colonel Robert E. Lee, the future Confederate commander, killed 10 of the raiders and took Brown prisoner. Brown was tried for treason against the state of Virginia — a dubious offense — and was hanged.

I heard this tale retold by a National Park Service guide, Jim Silvia, while sitting in the restored engine house with my fellow Project Pilgrimage sojourners. All visitors to Harper's Ferry will hear this story, but Silvia added more to his narrative by taking us up the hill to the site of Storer College. Opened at the end of the Civil War in 1865, the publicly supported school was open to anyone. Because it served black students, though, no whites ever enrolled. Ironically, when desegregation became the law of the land, federal and state funding was withdrawn on the pretext that African Americans could now attend any college they chose, and Storer was shut down in 1955.

The college is, arguably, the birthplace of the civil rights movement because it was there that the precursor to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, the Niagara Movement led by W.E.B. DuBois, held a national conference in 1906. DuBois returned to the Storer campus in 1932 with the intention of installing a plaque to memorialize John Brown, who by then had achieved saintly status among black Americans. White Southerners emphatically did not share that view, and DuBois was dissuaded from erecting the memorial. One like it was not installed on the grounds until 2004.

Brown remains a controversial figure. When the National Park Service held an event marking the 150th anniversary of the abolitionist's raid, Silvia said, a troop of Ku Klux Klan members paraded around a book tent on the Storer grounds to express their displeasure.

Brown was a true radical. He makes today's anti-fascist protesters and window-smashing anarchists look like children scuffling on a playground. Prior to the raid, he holed up with several of his men in a remote farmhouse four miles outside Harper's Ferry, where they plotted and trained for revolution. Lee called Brown “a fanatic or a madman”. DuBois hailed him as a hero who “aimed at human slavery a blow that woke a guilty nation”. When we visited the restored farmhouse, we were greeted by a rather convincing wax figure of Brown seated at a table with guns ready. I contemplated the possibility that both Lee and DuBois were right.

Just a few paces up the hill from Brown's hideout, we discovered another bit of black history that few white folks know about. In 1950, after buying the farm property to preserve as a shrine to John Brown, the African American fraternal organization known as the Black Elks built a nearby auditorium. It is now a vacated wreck, but between 1950 and 1965, it became a remote but successful stop on the Chitlin Circuit, the string of dance halls and bars stretching from Boston to Austin where black musicians performed for black audiences shut out of other venues by segregation.

African Americans would drive in from as far away as Baltimore and Washington to dance and groove with nearly every top black performer of the era — Chuck Berry, Bo Diddley, Little Richard, B.B. King, Etta James, Ray Charles, Chubby Checker, Fats Domino and many more. Ed Maliskas, a musician who wrote a book about the remarkable place, titled John Brown to James Brown: The Little Farm Where Liberty Budded, Blossomed and Boogied (https://www.amazon.com/dp/product/099767721X) guided us through the empty hall. An older black man, Al Baylor, a local who had come along with Maliskas, reminisced about the dance hall in its heyday, when he was a teenager. He remembered the necessity of buying a new suit, shirt, tie and shoes so that he would look as sharp as everyone else, and how the new clothes would be wet and limp after hours of dancing. Smiling wide, Baylor recalled standing in front of the stage mesmerized by the shimmy and shake of a young Tina Turner.

Maliskas made a good argument that music has had as much influence on changing white American attitudes toward race as any other force. The music streamed out of the Mississippi Delta and Chicago and Harlem. It caught fire in clubs and saloons in the black communities. It got put on vinyl at Motown in Detroit and at Stax Records in Memphis, Tennessee. It spread into the receptive minds and tapping toes of white teenagers everywhere. It formed common bonds of culture, smashed stereotypes and subverted prejudices.

The music played and sung at John Brown's farm created a revolution, one as big as fanatical old John Brown ever imagined in his wild, wild dreams.

This is part four of a five-part series.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-zealots-farm-20171004-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-zealots-farm-20171004-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 07, 2017, 09:21:43 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Confederates, Columbus and everyone else: Let's just tear down
all the public memorials to ‘great’ men

“When the people of the future look back on us, it is best that they have
no statues to remember us. They would tear down every one.”

By STEPHEN MARCHE | 4:00AM PDT - Friday, October 06, 2017

(http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d6b8b5/turbine/la-1507244208-pnoi89sd4k-snap-image/975) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d6b8b5/turbine/la-1507244208-pnoi89sd4k-snap-image)
Crews slowly remove the statue of former Justice Roger Taney from the front lawn of the Maryland State House in Baltimore on August 17th.
 — Photograph: Matthew Cole/Tribune News Service.

COLUMBUS DAY will be more than just a holiday this year. It will be a confrontation with history. In August, the Los Angeles City Council voted to erase the event from its calendar, replacing it with Indigenous Peoples Day. In September, the statue of Christopher Columbus in Manhattan's Central Park had its hands painted blood red by vandals. Earlier this year, New York Mayor Bill De Blasio announced plans to consider removing all statues of Columbus from city property, classifying them as “monuments to hate”.

This isn't just about Columbus — or Confederate generals or any other villain, perceived or real. By now, it has become clear: Public memorials to great men have outlived their purpose. It's time for them all to come down.

Iconoclasm is not just an American phenomenon. It's global. In Canada, a statue of John A MacDonald, the “father of Confederation,” struggled to find a home at his bicentenary in 2015, and this year, the Elementary Teachers' Federation of Ontario called for removing his name from public schools, given his role in the cultural genocide against indigenous groups. In Accra, in 2016, the University of Ghana removed a statue of Mahatma Gandhi from campus, remembering his statement, made during his residency in South Africa, that Indians were “infinitely superior” to native Africans. Removing Cecil Rhodes from the campus of the University of Capetown in 2015 was less controversial.

What distinguishes American iconoclasm is its chaos: statues pulled down by angry mobs or removed by officials in the middle of the night. And the chaos leads to incoherence — unobtrusive Confederates decapitated here and there, while massive tributes such as Stone Mountain remain. When President Trump (http://www.latimes.com/topic/politics-government/donald-trump-PEBSL000163-topic.html) and his lawyer asked whether monuments to George Washington would be targeted following those to Robert E. Lee, liberals were outraged. Lee was in no way like Washington, they claimed, and the American Revolution was in no way like the Civil War. Except that the Revolutionary War was waged by white supremacists and the Constitution entrenched their power. It was Americans, not their British overlords, who hammered out the three-fifths compromise, and black slaves were not their only victims. Washington earned the name Hanodagonyes or “Town Destroyer” among the Iroquois in New York.

Thomas Carlyle in Heroes and Hero Worship (https://www.amazon.com/dp/product/1461064619) articulated the spirit that built the statues that fill our parks and our cities: “The history of what man has accomplished in this world is at bottom the History of the Great Men who have worked here,” he wrote in 1841. “All things that we see standing accomplished in the world are properly the outer material result, the practical realization and embodiment, of Thoughts that dwelt in the Great Men sent into the world: the soul of the whole world’s history.”

Carlyle's vision has expired. The notion that an individual, any individual, can embody human ideals is null and void.

Who deserves a statue or national holiday in 2017? President Obama? A man whom Human Rights Watch (http://www.latimes.com/topic/social-issues/human-rights-watch-ORNPR00003940-topic.html) described as a leader who “never really warmed to human rights as a genuine priority and so leaves office with many opportunities wasted”? Saint Hugh's College in Oxford had to remove a portrait of Aung San Suu Kyi (http://www.latimes.com/topic/politics-government/government/aung-san-suu-kyi-PEPLT000007589-topic.html) because the Nobel Peace Prize (http://www.latimes.com/topic/arts-culture/nobel-prize-awards-8006070-topic.html) winner, like so many other winners, has turned out to be comfortable with mass death. Perhaps only Malala Yousafzai (http://www.latimes.com/topic/politics-government/malala-yousafzai-PECLB0015212-topic.html) fits the level of innocence we now require from our political icons; she was a child when she won the Peace Prize.

When the people of the future look back on us, it is best that they have no statues to remember us. They would tear down every one. We imagine that history has progressed to the point at which we may sit in judgment over the past, but the number of slaves in the global supply chain is growing, not shrinking. Anyone who has eaten shrimp in the last five years has participated in a slave economy. Anyone who has purchased a smartphone has contributed to enslavement.

Statues to the Confederacy were consciously created to impose white supremacy as a dominant ideology. But the intention behind statues is often more muddying than clarifying of their function. Statues to Columbus were often raised to celebrate the contributions of Catholic and Italian American immigrants. The Ku Klux Klan explicitly resisted monuments to Columbus, seeing them as “part of a conspiracy to establish Roman Catholicism,” as one Klan lecturer put it.

Statues never represent the people on the monuments: They represent the interests of those who build them.

It is in our interest to take the worst thing a historical figure has ever said or done, establish it as their whole being and then make the destruction of their memory a collective benefit. This process will leave no statue standing. As Hamlet said, “Use every man after his desert, and who shall 'scape whipping?” If Gandhi can't survive, Columbus certainly won't.

The reality of people in history — the mixture of good and evil, making individual choices within imposed systems, taking their meaning in context — has no interest either for those who raise statues or for those who tear them down. A blank at the heart of Columbus Circle where a person once stood would suit our moment perfectly.

• Stephen Marche is the author, most recently, of The Unmade Bed: The Truth About Men and Women in the Twenty-First Century (https://www.amazon.com/dp/product/1476780153).

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-marche-statues-iconoclasm-20171006-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/op-ed/la-oe-marche-statues-iconoclasm-20171006-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 07, 2017, 10:45:13 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

Gettysburg: Where white armies battled over the fate of black lives

By DAVID HORSEY | 5:00AM PDT - Friday, October 06, 2017

(http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d5a6b5/turbine/la-1507174062-c6qtznkejn-snap-image/1100) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-59d5a6b5/turbine/la-1507174062-c6qtznkejn-snap-image)

IN THE middle of a pool game in the back room of the Flying Bull tavern, my new friend, Jarrod Stout, pulled me aside. He wanted to make sure I had his back if things got rough. As soon as he'd come into the bar he had gotten glaring looks from some of the white patrons, and now a grim-faced guy with a custom-made pool cue was acting a bit strange.

Jarrod is a young black college student with dreadlocks, a quick wit and a magnetic gregariousness. He grew up in a comparatively open, accepting Seattle suburb where black families are scarce but not scorned. The vibe he was getting in the Gettysburg bar was something he was not used to; a small-town narrowness that felt personal.

The night passed without incident, but the next day inside the elaborate visitors' center at the Gettysburg battlefield, Jarrod felt it again. The little white kid who gave him a smile was followed by a parent with eyes that displayed anything but welcome. A string of other tourists would not return his hello or his grin. And then there was the young black man in a red T-shirt sporting the words “Make America great again”. These encounters rattled him.

Jarrod found himself doing that thing that black Americans must do so many days of their lives: questioning himself and asking, “Am I imagining this or do these people detest the color of my skin?”

As a white male, there are a lot of questions I do not have to answer. If I am pulled over by a cop, I do not wonder if I might get shot for doing or saying the wrong thing. I have never worried that I would not be hired for a job or not allowed to rent an apartment because of the way I looked. My racial identity is not something I think about each morning when I look in the mirror.

In these days of identity politics when Americans seem to be retreating into separate tribes, I find it impossible to tie my own sense of self to any narrow group. That attitude is more than a perk of white privilege; it is based on a conviction that extreme tribalism — a militant and exclusive loyalty to a certain religion or race or ethnic group or nation — is the scourge of humanity. We need to find common ground wherever we can, even as we celebrate and respect the richness of cultural differences.

Riding on the bus with my Project Pilgrimage companions, I got into a discussion with Esmy Jimenez, an aspiring young journalist who recently graduated from the University of Southern California. I told her I felt no compelling link to the lands of my ancestors, England and Norway. The United States is my home and I am nothing if not an American. I think she found this a bit mystifying, but said maybe she could feel more that way if the country she grew up in would open its arms and embrace her.

Esmy, you see, is a “Dreamer”. Her family crossed the border from Mexico without documents when she was a child, and now, after receiving a promise that young immigrants like her could stay and be a vital part of American society, the promise has been revoked by presidential order. That may change or it may not. All her ambitions are in jeopardy. No wonder she finds her identity through other connections.

As our group walked the ground over which the Confederate and Union armies fought, I wondered if Esmy and Jarrod and the other twenty-somethings among us could relate to what they were seeing. Why should they care that tens of thousands of white men spent three deadly July days slaughtering each other in this place more than 150 years ago? They have their own battles to fight in today's America. I thought of my own ancestor who wore Union blue and managed to survive the war. I know little of the man, but I think it likely he shared the prejudiced ideas that were common in his day, and joined the Army not to free slaves but to have an adventure. Still, if men like him had refused to fight, the slave masters would have prevailed.

As we stood at the line where a small contingent of Union cavalry awaited reinforcements and held fast against Robert E. Lee's oncoming rebel army, I pointed out to my young companions that if those few men had failed, the war might have been lost right there, the country would have permanently split and slavery would have gone on for many more grim decades. I don't know whether that impressed them or not. It seemed important to me.

The next morning we gathered at the cemetery where the Union dead are buried, the spot where Abraham Lincoln gave the Gettysburg Address. Our group leader, David Domke, chair of the Department of Communication at the University of Washington, drew us to the shade of the trees down below a memorial to Lincoln. Domke asked us to form a circle, then he passed out copies of the Gettysburg Address. Working clockwise around the circle, each person recited a line from the speech. I had read and heard Lincoln's phrases many times in my life, but they had never sounded more immediate.

Lincoln spoke of the men who died on the battlefield to save a nation “dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal.” He said, “It is for us the living, rather, to be dedicated here to the unfinished work … the great task remaining before us — that from these honored dead we take increased devotion to that cause for which they gave the last full measure of devotion … that this nation, under God, shall have a new birth of freedom.”

In that moving moment, we all stood together — young millennials and aging baby boomers, black, white and brown — and resolved, each in our own way, to carry on with the unfinished work of freedom.

This is the last installment of a five-part series.

http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-gettysburg-20171004-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/topoftheticket/la-na-tt-gettysburg-20171004-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: aDjUsToR on October 10, 2017, 10:40:51 am
[Insert name of any country here] racist legacy. Shock horror!!!

Yawn. Next lefty meme??

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on October 10, 2017, 12:07:20 pm
stupid lefty madness race baiting propaganda bullshit
the only reason they get away with this crap
is people dont study history
the british are bad they mass killed the irish the vikings, the scots
they even invented concentration camps

who cares what people did hundreds of years ago
only idiots who think the world owes them a life

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 23, 2017, 08:08:43 pm

from the Los Angeles Times....

As monuments to the Confederacy are removed from
public squares, new ones are quietly being erected

By JENNY JARVIE | 5:00AM PDT - Sunday, October 22, 2017

(http://www.trbimg.com/img-59eba44b/turbine/la-1508615237-9ua3mwsy9f-snap-image/985) (http://www.trbimg.com/img-59eba44b/turbine/la-1508615237-9ua3mwsy9f-snap-image)
Allie Chastka, a re-enactor, kneels at the new Unknown Alabama Confederate Soldiers monument in the Confederate Veterans Memorial Park
in Brantley, Alabama. — Photograph: Brynn Anderson/Associated Press.

ANNETTE PERNELL, a council member in this Texas town, was aghast when she heard about plans to construct a Confederate memorial that would be visible from the interstate and loom over Martin Luther King Jr. Drive.

But there was nothing she or anybody else could do about it. The land was private.

And so the Confederate Memorial of the Wind slowly went up on a grassy half-acre. A total of 13 concrete columns — one for each Confederate state — rise from a circular concrete pedestal. Eventually it will be surrounded by as many as 40 poles topped with Civil War battle flags.

“It's as if we've gone backwards,” said Pernell, who is 54 and black. “I didn't think, at this age, I would see what I'm seeing now. A Confederate memorial is a slap in the face of all Americans, not just African Americans.”

More than 150 years after Robert E. Lee's surrender at Appomattox, local officials across the Deep South are removing contentious Confederate monuments from prominent perches in busy town squares and government buildings. In August, violence at a rally of white nationalists seeking to preserve a statue of Lee in Charlottesville, Virginia — and comments by President Trump (http://www.latimes.com/topic/politics-government/donald-trump-PEBSL000163-topic.html) opposing its removal — brought renewed national attention to the issue.

Less publicized has been the quiet rise of a new generation of Confederate markers — on private land, in cemeteries, on historic battlefields.

In South Carolina last month, a granite monument dedicated to the “immortal spirit of the Confederate cause” was unveiled on a spot where Civil War enthusiasts gather each year to reenact the Battle of Aiken. In Alabama in August, a gray stone memorial was dedicated in a private Crenshaw County park to unknown Confederate soldiers. In Georgia last year, a black marble obelisk was erected on public land in the mountain town of Dahlonega in memory of the county's nearly 1,200 Confederate veterans.

In all, more than 30 monuments and symbols to the Confederacy have been dedicated or rededicated since 2000, according to the Southern Poverty Law Center. A historian at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill (http://www.latimes.com/topic/education/colleges-universities/university-of-north-carolina-at-chapel-hill-OREDU0000491-topic.html), W. Fitzhugh Brundage, conducted an inventory of his own state and found that 20 monuments had gone up there over that time — the most since the early 20th century.

The people funding the monuments — often the great-great grandchildren of Confederate soldiers — say they simply want to remember their loved ones and ensure their legacies live on. More controversially, many also promote a revisionist history in which slavery was not a major cause of the war.

“We just want to honor our ancestors,” said Hank Van Slyke, a 62-year-old engineering specialist and commander of a local Sons of Confederate Veterans brigade that put up the monument in Orange. The group is an association of male descendants of Confederate soldiers, and was formed in 1896 to hail the “hallowed memories of brave men” and “record of the services of every Southern Soldier”.

“Throughout history, whoever wins the war and conquers the nation, they get to write the history books,” he said. "We've always studied that we had a good cause and our ancestors fought for what they thought was right.”

While most historians agree that the root cause of the Civil War was slavery, a significant number of Americans, particularly in the South, have been taught the war was about states' rights in general. Six years ago, a Pew Research Center survey found that 48% of Americans said states' rights were the reason for the war, while 38% cited slavery.

The debate is particularly charged in Texas, where the State Board of Education in 2010 adopted new academic standards listing slavery as third among the causes of the war, after sectionalism and states' rights.

“There's a kind of historical symmetry, in that many of these men now fighting the battle to defend the Lost Cause are predisposed to see themselves as under threat,” Brundage said.

The new monuments tend to be more modest than older ones. At the turn of the 20th century, when Confederate organizations enjoyed enormous cultural prestige in the South, large bronze and marble monuments were erected in conspicuous public spaces and etched with politically charged plaques. Now, Brundage said, they often focus less on defending the Confederacy and more on memorializing unknown soldiers or listing those who died.

Even in its unfinished state, the new Confederate memorial in Orange has stirred more public controversy than most new ones.

“We know this makes our town look bad,” said John “Jack” Smith, the city attorney for Orange, a town of 19,000 near the Louisiana state line whose motto is “Small town charm, world class culture”.

Smith said the monument didn't reflect the values of Orange residents, and he slammed the Sons of Confederate Veterans as a “racist hate group”.

“We're very concerned that this could send the wrong signal about Orange as people drive down the highway,” he said. “But what can we do about it? It's a matter of free speech. We cannot stop them from building the thing on private land.”

(http://origin.misc.pagesuite.com/3630c326-c935-42f5-b0da-daebc36b7646/images/IMG_LA-EPA_USA_CONFEDERA_2_1_JV2NIMNA.jpg) (http://origin.misc.pagesuite.com/3630c326-c935-42f5-b0da-daebc36b7646/images/IMG_LA-EPA_USA_CONFEDERA_2_1_JV2NIMNA.jpg)
Georgia's Stone Mountain relief of Confederate President Jefferson Davis and Generals Robert E. Lee and Stonewall Jackson, from left,
wasn't complete until 1972. — Photograph: Erik S. Lesser/European Pressphoto Agency.

Just over a third of Orange residents are black — a greater share than in any other town in the predominantly white county, which has long grappled with racism. In the 1990s, members of the Ku Klux Klan protesting federal attempts to integrate public housing held marches in the nearby city of Vidor, which was notorious as a “sundown town” because African Americans were not safe after dark.

In 2013, word spread that Granvel Block, then Texas division commander for the Sons of Confederate Veterans, had quietly bought a small plot of land near Interstate 10 for less than $10,000 and acquired a city building permit to construct a Civil War monument. The local chapter of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and several residents attended a City Council meeting to oppose the project.

The monument also sparked an online petition and an editorial from a local newspaper, the Beaumont Enterprise: “The last thing Southeast Texas needs is a large memorial to the Confederacy,” it said. “Simply put, it would be divisive and offensive.”

Still, when the newspaper conducted an online poll asking “Do you want a Confederate monument here?” more than 70% of respondents clicked “Yes. The Confederate Army and Civil War are part of our history.”

Block responded by publishing a lengthy “Call to Arms” on his group's Facebook page.

“If we do not stand up when our ancestors are being attacked and break the stigma that our opponents attempt to attach to anything Confederate, we run the risk of everything Confederate as we know it, being condemned and exterminated,” he wrote. “These new Confederate memorials will be the turning point, and will open the doors and dialog for an accurate account of history to be taught.”

Rather than just follow the “easy path” of honoring ancestors “in the ways which are acceptable,” he argued, the group should focus on challenging the idea that the war was fought over slavery.

Yet in a sign of how controversial the monument has become, Block now declines to meet with reporters or speak on the record for fear of upsetting his wife.

In a telephone interview, Van Slyke, the local brigade commander, said that although slavery “may” have been a “small part” of the war, it was pretty far down the list.

Karen L. Cox, a history professor at the University of North Carolina at Charlotte (http://www.latimes.com/topic/education/colleges-universities/university-of-north-carolina-at-charlotte-OREDU0000546-topic.html), said that those putting up new monuments to the Confederacy represented a minority point of view.

“They continue to believe in the sort of version of history that mythologizes the Confederacy and its heroes, but it's so obvious it's disingenuous,” she said. “They're not honoring history; they're commemorating the principles and objectives of the war.”

While Orange city officials decided they could not legally stop the monument there, they sought to limit its impact by regulating the size of the Confederate flags and placing restrictions on parking. In 2013, the council passed an ordinance to limit flagpoles to 35 feet tall and ban any flags larger than 4 feet by 6 feet.

While many people prefer not to talk about the monument, defenders aren't hard to come by.

John Broussard, 54, an industrial electrician, and John Shaver, 33, a millwright machinist — both white — said those who criticized the monument, and its position near a street named after a slain civil rights leader, didn't understand it.

“I don't think it’s intended to be malicious to any race,” Shaver said. “A Confederate memorial on Martin Luther King Jr. Drive could bring the community and two racial groups together. Being a Confederate monument, the first thing that pops up in your mind is segregation and slavery, but it isn't about that.”

Nathaniel Colbert, 68, an African American and retired plant operator who lives on the other side of the interstate less than a mile away, believes the monument was a deliberate insult.

At first, Colbert said, it really bothered him to drive by the memorial. Now he just whizzes on by in his pickup truck, barely noticing it.

“It's an affront, but I've dealt with ignorance most of my life,” he said. “Right now, it's just the beat of the drum.”

Jenny Jarvie reported from Orange, Texas.

• Jenny Jarvie is a freelance writer living in Atlanta, Georgia. She has worked as a staff reporter for the Los Angeles Times and the Sunday Telegraph in London. She was born in London in 1975, has a masters in English Literature and Philosophy from the University of Glasgow and is a past winner of the Catherine Pakenham Award for the most promising young female writer in Britain.


Related to this topic:

 • White nationalist Richard Spencer to noisy Florida protesters: You didn't shut me down (http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-florida-spencer-speech-20171019-story.html)

 • Confederates, Columbus and everyone else: Let's just tear down all the public memorials to ‘great’ men (http://)

 • If slavery and racism disqualify Confederates and Father Serra, we'll be removing statues for a while (http://www.latimes.com/opinion/readersreact/la-ol-le-confederate-statues-us-capitol-20170927-story.html)

http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-new-confederate-memorials-20171020-story.html (http://www.latimes.com/nation/la-na-new-confederate-memorials-20171020-story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on January 30, 2018, 04:59:14 pm

(https://pbs.twimg.com/media/DTpDjXxV4AAamAy.jpg) (https://twitter.com/davidhorsey/status/953148591333191680)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on January 30, 2018, 05:00:46 pm

(https://pbs.twimg.com/media/DUNZBzxU0AA67Ln.jpg) (https://twitter.com/davidhorsey/status/955705633768071168)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on November 25, 2018, 02:55:45 pm

(https://static.seattletimes.com/wp-content/uploads/2018/11/Yogurt-debacle-ONLINE-COLOR.jpg) (https://www.seattletimes.com/opinion/apologies-are-cold-comfort-in-yogurt-shop-racial-profiling)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on November 27, 2018, 11:40:11 am

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on April 22, 2019, 10:56:43 pm

from The Washington Post…

America, take note: Georgetown students are acting
on the courage of their convictions

Students have voted to pay a reconciliation fee to aid the descendants
of men and women enslaved by Jesuit priests.

By COURTLAND MILLOY | 9:00AM EDT — Sunday, April 21, 2019

(https://www.washingtonpost.com/resizer/Y0RKPLBhXOj--s1szsEITz7N374=/1484x0/arc-anglerfish-washpost-prod-washpost.s3.amazonaws.com/public/UZMPM5TC7II6TP5NG2T6WNWLMA.jpg) (https://www.washingtonpost.com/resizer/Y0RKPLBhXOj--s1szsEITz7N374=/1484x0/arc-anglerfish-washpost-prod-washpost.s3.amazonaws.com/public/UZMPM5TC7II6TP5NG2T6WNWLMA.jpg)
The Liturgy of Remembrance, Contrition and Hope on April 18, 2017, drew over 100 descendants of people enslaved
by Georgetown University. — Photograph: Allison Shelley/for The Washington Post.

WHILE MANY are confounded by the subject of reparations for slavery, students at Georgetown University have acted on the courage of their convictions.

America, take note.

These students have seen how the legacy of slavery manifests itself in racial disparities — in health, wealth, housing and employment. And they know that the outcomes are no accident. They are the intended results of an economic system rooted in racism and designed to maintain itself in perpetuity.

Maurice Jackson, who teaches courses about slavery, racism, reparations and the Reconstruction era at Georgetown, says many of his students are no longer willing to ignore the problems. They are closing the gaps between the sugar-coated historical myths of their childhoods and the brutal reality of a nation birthed in genocide and bondage.

“They are seeing how ignorance about the past threatens their future. And they are in a hurry to do something about it,” Jackson said.

What they did was modest, yet unprecedented.

A referendum proposing that undergraduates pay a “reconciliation fee,” in effect reparations, was put to a vote on April 11 — and passed. The beneficiaries would be the descendants of a particular group of 272 enslaved people. They were working around Prince George's County when, in 1838, the Maryland Province of the Society of Jesus decided to sell them to raise money for a financially strapped Georgetown University.

Students learned of the school's ties to slavery after a human thigh bone was unearthed during construction of a residence hall in 2014. It was a cemetery site, where the remains of slaves and free blacks had been buried. Subsequent discoveries led the university to make a formal apology in 2017 “for our participation in the evil of slavery,” Georgetown University President John J. DeGioia wrote in an open letter to the campus  a day after the student vote.

He said the university would take other steps toward fostering dialogue. “We are pursuing work that is uncharted,” he wrote.

With this month's vote for paying restitution, the students had charted a path of their own.

The amount of the reconciliation fee, to be paid each semester, was a symbolic $27.20. The fees were expected to generate an estimated $400,000 a year. More than 8,000 descendants of the 272 have been identified so far.

Some students complained that the amount was too low, “just an Uber ride,” as one wrote in a post on social media.

Others said the fee increase was unfair, especially to poor students.

Some black students questioned why they should pay reparations when, if anything, they should be receiving them. For others, the answer was clear.

“No problem helping my less fortunate brothers and sisters,” a black student posted on social media. “I'm here because somebody helped me.”

In an op-ed for the Hoya in February, two students, Samuel Dubke and Hayley Grande, made their case for opposing the fee.

“Supporters of the referendum will claim that we, by attending classes, living in dorms and accepting our degrees, owe an intrinsic debt to the descendants of those enslaved people who paid for Georgetown's existence with their lives,” they wrote. “While we agree that the Georgetown of today would not exist if not for the sale of 272 slaves in 1838, current students are not to blame for the past sins of the institution, and a financial contribution cannot reconcile this past debt on behalf of the university…. Georgetown University alone, not the student body, has the obligation to pay for its past transgressions.”

And yet, the measure was approved, overwhelmingly, garnering 66 percent of the 3,845 votes cast. The spring elections, which included candidates for the school senate, drew the largest voter turnout in Georgetown's electoral history, according to the Hoya.

“The measures advanced in this referendum would put Georgetown on the right side of history and constitute the first reparations policy in the nation,” Georgetown University Student Association President Norman Francis Jr. and Vice President Aleida Olvera wrote in an op-ed for the newspaper.

In an open letter to the university following the vote, DeGioia praised students for “bringing attention to deeply held convictions that we take very seriously.” But he also noted that requiring students to pay such a fee “raises complex issues” that won't be resolved “immediately or easily.”

The referendum was nonbinding; school officials would still have the last word.

And on April 15, two students filed a lawsuit with the Georgetown University Student Association's Constitutional Council, seeking to nullify the vote. They contended that the GUSA can hold referendums only on constitutional issues and that the GUSA had violated its own bylaws by holding a vote on raising fees.

The election did not mark the end of the student campaign for reparations. More like a new start.

A remarkable one at that, with most students pushing aside arguments that have doomed reparations proposals in the past.

William Darity Jr., a professor of public policy at Duke University and a scholar on the economics of reparations, told Politico that he was “admiring” what the students at Georgetown were doing. But he also urged them to work on a nationwide effort instead of going only for “piecemeal” solutions.

“We do need to move away from viewing this as a matter of individual guilt or individual responsibility that can be offset by individual payments, towards the recognition that this is a national responsibility,” Darity said.

And yet, a large majority of students had voted to, in essence, begin atoning for the sins of their school.

At Georgetown, where symbols of hate and violence have appeared in recent years — swastikas carved into elevator walls, racist graffiti scrawled in hallways, menorahs defaced — students had created one that could be trumped by none.

It was a vote — the voice of a free people — symbolizing compassion, reconciliation, justice, mercy and collective responsibility.

Lee Baker, a descendant of the 272, was impressed.

“Regardless of what happens,” he told the Hoya, “we will know that Georgetown University students practiced solidarity and decided to ensure that such an historic injustice has a permanent lens for awareness, analysis and action.”

Take note, America. This is what the future looks like.


Courtland Milloy (https://www.washingtonpost.com/people/courtland-milloy) is a local columnist for The Washington Post, where he has worked since 1975. He has covered crime and politics in the District and demographic changes in Prince George's County, Maryland. He has also written for The Post's Style and Foreign sections.


Related to this topic:

 • Georgetown's missing slaves were closer to home than anyone knew (https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/social-issues/they-thought-georgetowns-missing-slaves-were-lost-the-truth-was-closer-to-home-than-anyone-knew/2018/04/28/074beb66-3e65-11e8-a7d1-e4efec6389f0_story.html)

 • Georgetown gathers descendants for a day of repentance (https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/acts-of-faith/wp/2017/04/18/georgetown-university-hosts-service-of-repentance-dedicates-building-to-slaves-it-sold-in-1938-to-secure-schools-future)

https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/america-take-note-georgetown-students-are-acting-on-the-courage-of-their-convictions/2019/04/19/144b4efc-615e-11e9-bfad-36a7eb36cb60_story.html (https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/america-take-note-georgetown-students-are-acting-on-the-courage-of-their-convictions/2019/04/19/144b4efc-615e-11e9-bfad-36a7eb36cb60_story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 24, 2019, 08:31:22 pm

from The Washington Post…

So you want to talk about lynching? Understand this first.

By MICHELE NORRIS | 3:49PM EDT — Wednesday, October 23, 2019

(https://www.washingtonpost.com/resizer/lVBGPjU6usXTNTdhoV6rd3LOyTE=/1484x0/arc-anglerfish-washpost-prod-washpost.s3.amazonaws.com/public/CIEVK2COOUI6TPNXIT4URTAGAU.jpg) (https://www.washingtonpost.com/resizer/lVBGPjU6usXTNTdhoV6rd3LOyTE=/1484x0/arc-anglerfish-washpost-prod-washpost.s3.amazonaws.com/public/CIEVK2COOUI6TPNXIT4URTAGAU.jpg)
The rope believed to have bound the wrists of Raymond Byrd, who was lynched in Wythe County, Virginia, in 1926.
 — Photograph: Matt McClain/The Washington Post.

SO you want to talk about lynching (https://twitter.com/realDonaldTrump/status/1186611272231636992)?

Okay. Let's talk.

A lynching involved a man, but sometimes a woman or a child, who was dragged from home, heels in the dirt, body contorting, convulsing with fear.

A lynching involved another man — this time, almost always a man — finding a rope and making a noose, or perhaps finding a rope that had already been made into a noose, for this was not exactly rare in an earlier time. It took a special kind of rope to hold the knot, to hold the weight. A heavy rope. Corded and coarse.

The knot took skill; the act was impulsive, but the details relied on practiced technique. The genus, health and shape of the tree were important. Were the branches high enough? Thick enough? Healthy enough to accommodate the sudden plummet of death?

A lynching was bulging eyes and slobber and spittle.

It took a mob, a rabble, a group of several people to carry out the deed. To hold the victim. To toss the rope. To necklace the rope. To hoist the rope. To keep it taut while the body fought and then stiffened and then went limp and sodden. Heavy like coal. Dangling like earrings.

A lynching was loud, for a mob is never silent. The act itself was audible: The rope chafed against the bark. It tore open the skin. It suffocated and gagged, crushed the esophagus and snapped the neck. It made water, involuntary and foul, tricking past the knee, past the calf and the foot. A lynching was a fight against gravity. Desperate. Futile. Listless. And gravity always won.

A lynching was an act of community will. A community that showed up dressed for the outing, smiling, cheering, hoisting their children for a better view, preening for the cameras, for there were so often cameras to commemorate the occasion with postcards later sold as keepsakes. Postcards with swaying, charred bodies. Shoulders limp. Legs loose. Heads lolled backward in an odd contortion that made it seem that their souls were communing with God.

Lynching was the work of “good people”. People who held positions of stature and authority. Who went to church. Who taught their children the golden rule about Jesus loving all the little children. A rule with exceptions and bylaws and fine print. A rule that applied only to people with white skin.

A lynching was meant to send a message. Stay in line. This could be you or your son or your wife or your father. Your heart. Your pride. Your breadwinner. Your changemaker. Your dignity. Yes, there was a message. We are powerful. You are not.

A lynching was often accompanied by long-term amnesia. The people behind those acts would eventually forget this history, forget that this is what transpired in the town square or tobacco field, forget that they were engaged in what would now pass as evil because, jeez, who would want to claim that?

According to the NAACP (https://www.naacp.org/history-of-lynchings/), 4,743 people were lynched in the United States from 1882 to 1968. (Yes, 1968.) Of that number, 3,446 were black.

Lynching was a fact of life for much of this country's existence. It was the green light for decapitating the victim and the impulse to place a head on a stick and then place that stick into the ground on a well-traveled road and leave it there until the sun or the birds or the vermin had their way.

Lynching was sometimes not enough. Bodies were burned and blow-torched and branded. They were gutted and skinned like animals. They were castrated, scalped, dismembered. It was the justification for human bonfires and dismembering bodies and turning toes into key fobs and skin into lampshades (https://www.nationalgeographic.com/history/magazine/2017/01-02/nat-turner-slave-rebellion-southampton-virginia/).

In one particularly gruesome case (https://www.ajc.com/news/local/mary-turner-lynching-savage-horrific-but-not-uncommon/W81Pe1p5i6tqsftJ80tKyO/) — Mary Turner was lynched in 1918 after threatening to swear out warrants for the men who lynched her husband, Hayes Turner, who was wrongly accused of a crime. She was eight months pregnant, but that didn't matter. She was tracked down, captured, dragged to a bridge between two counties in Valdosta, Georgia, and hung upside down from a tree, ankles tied together. She was doused in gasoline, and her clothes were burned off.

Had enough? The mob wasn't done. One man used a hunting knife to cut open her pregnant belly. Her unborn child tumbled to the ground where it was reportedly crushed under the heel of a boot.

Even that was not enough. They pummeled her body with gunfire before cutting her down. She was one of at least 13 people killed in that rampage, and her name — we must say her name — Mary Turner — now graces a project dedicated to remembering (http://www.maryturner.org/) that there was no justice served for these atrocities. And that we must understand how the long arm of this history and the attitudes that fueled it still touch us today.

This is hard reading, I know. Many will not have gotten this far. I am not sharing these facts for mere sensation. This is our history (https://www.washingtonpost.com/entertainment/museums/a-powerful-memorial-in-montgomery-remembers-the-victims-of-lynching/2018/04/24/3620e78a-471a-11e8-827e-190efaf1f1ee_story.html). Our history (https://museumandmemorial.eji.org/memorial). We will never fully understand how far we’ve come as a nation until we accept and acknowledge the spectacular abominations that passed as normal.

Do not trifle with this history. Not unless you are willing to understand the meaning, the weight, the horror, the ardor, the hatred, the stain, the special brand of evil associated with it and the deed it represents. Anything less is an attempt at distraction. That is desperate and diabolically wrong.

So if you want to talk about lynching, let's do it. Let's acknowledge it. Let's face it, even if it turns our stomach. Let's face it (https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2018/04/24/bryan-stevenson-wants-us-to-confront-our-countrys-racial-terrorism-and-then-say-never-again) as the terror and the terrorism it was. Because to face it — and face it down — is a first payment on an insurance policy that perhaps ensures we will never see this again on our soil.

If you are unwilling to do this work — and it is work — then leave that word alone (https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trump-compares-impeachment-probe-to-lynching-draws-widespread-condemnation/2019/10/22/2fa24af2-f4d4-11e9-ad8b-85e2aa00b5ce_story.html).


Michele Norris is a former host of NPR's “All Things Considered” and the founding director of the Race Card Project.


Related to this topic:

 • VIDEO: How Republicans responded to Trump's ‘lynching’ tweet (https://www.washingtonpost.com/video/politics/how-republicans-responded-to-trumps-lynching-tweet/2019/10/22/2bcc909e-063e-4c2a-b44d-8a4606904aa4_video.html)

 • VIDEO: McCarthy on Trump ‘lynching’ tweet: ‘It's not the language I would use’ (https://www.washingtonpost.com/video/politics/mccarthy-on-trump-lynching-tweet-its-not-the-language-i-would-use/2019/10/22/98812bf4-add7-4739-8bc0-de212c95d869_video.html)

 • Trump compares impeachment probe to ‘lynching’, again prompting political firestorm around race (https://www.washingtonpost.com/politics/trump-compares-impeachment-probe-to-lynching-draws-widespread-condemnation/2019/10/22/2fa24af2-f4d4-11e9-ad8b-85e2aa00b5ce_story.html)

https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/so-you-want-to-talk-about-lynching-understand-this-first/2019/10/23/c5a5fd2a-f5ae-11e9-ad8b-85e2aa00b5ce_story.html (https://www.washingtonpost.com/opinions/so-you-want-to-talk-about-lynching-understand-this-first/2019/10/23/c5a5fd2a-f5ae-11e9-ad8b-85e2aa00b5ce_story.html)

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on October 25, 2019, 03:46:52 pm
'Lynch' police: Biden, 5 House Democrats blasted 'lynching' of Bill Clinton
But former VP outraged when Trump used term

whats good for the goose


Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 25, 2019, 04:56:06 pm

Yeah, but Biden and Clinton are intelligent people.

Trump is just a dumb, corrupt criminal.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on October 26, 2019, 01:38:20 pm

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Kiwithrottlejockey on October 26, 2019, 02:55:23 pm

What I said before...

Previous presidents have all been basically intelligent people (even including Richard Nixon, Ronald Rayguns, Bill Clinton and George W. Bush), but Trump is not only the head of a corrupt, criminal family and a narcissist (and a seven-times bankrupt failed businessman), but he is also too stupid to work out that he is impeaching himself with his stupid mouth.

But then, on top of all that, Trump is a RACIST, SEXIST arsehole who enables other racist, sexist arseholes.

Title: Re: America's racist legacy
Post by: Im2Sexy4MyPants on October 26, 2019, 04:28:37 pm
you are so mentally retarded all you talk is shit
maybe you got dropped on your head when you were a sprog